The Library of Alexandria Burned -- What's the Detroit Institute of Art's Excuse? Oh, Blacks...

When City of Detroit assumed control of the Detroit Institute of Art, the city was 96 percent white (1920)

What happens when an 84 percent black city is $15 billion in debt? The second largest municipal owned museum in America (housing a collection worth north of $1 billion) is on the chopping block [Detroit's creditors could target Detroit Institute of Arts collection, Detroit News, 5-24-13]:

A public spat over the fate of the Detroit Institute of Arts' collection erupted Friday as museum officials sparred with Emergency Manager Kevyn Orr's office over whether its masterpieces can be sold in the event of a bankruptcy.

DIA spokeswoman Pamela Marcil said earlier Friday the city is not allowed to sell off assets because of an agreement with the DIA that says the museum will operate according to professional standards. Selling off art would violate standards set by the American Association of Museum Directors, which has accredited the DIA.

But Orr's spokesman, Bill Nowling, said Friday any such agreement would be invalid under a Chapter 9 bankruptcy filing, leaving the museum's city-owned assets at risk.

Nowling also blasted the DIA for failing to act when restructuring consultants approached the DIA two months ago to warn of "a potential huge liability for them."

"They've been negligent to date in trying to find a way to protect a tremendous cultural asset, not only of the city, but of Michigan and the world," Nowling said.

"Burying your head in the sand is not the right option that they should be looking at."
The DIA's Board of Directors has scheduled a special June 3 meeting to discuss the potential sale of the museum's collection.

Eugene A. Gargaro Jr., chairman of the board of directors, said in response to Nowling's comments that the DIA has been "very proactive and responsive in everything we've done, exercising solid stewardship of our responsibility."

"I'm not into making accusations, here," Gargaro said. "I would like to continue the civility and the way we've been working together. It's not our goal to have any kind of adversarial relationship. We want to partner to help the emergency manager."

Nowling's comments came after the museum earlier Friday argued that under the DIA's operating agreement with Detroit, "the city cannot sell art to generate funds for any purpose other than to enhance the collection" in light of the possibility that the DIA may "face exposure to creditors" if Detroit seeks Chapter 9 bankruptcy protection.

Detroit, an example of a city operating under Actual Black-Run America (ABRA) guidance, continues to find ways to put the "d" in depravity and dysfunction. 

The city of Detroit assumed financial ownership of the Detroit Institute of Art in 1920 -- at a time when the black population of the city was only four percent. 

Yes, Detroit was 96 white in 1920. 

Today, Detroit is 84 percent black. 

In the early 1980s, the city of Detroit (under the stewardship of the first black mayor, Coleman Young) began to pull away from financially supporting the DIA; instead, according to Jeffrey Abt's "A Museum on the Verge: A Socioeconomic History of the Detroit Institute of Art," the city decided to divert $3.5 million in 1987 to erect the Museum of African American History (MAAH). 

In 1993, the city built an even larger home for the MAAH, spending $38.4 million to erect the largest African American museum in all of the land. 

 

A report in 1996 noted that 88 percent of those who visited the DIA were white, at a time when intense debates were being held as to whether or not the museum would be privatized.  Luckily for the DIA, suburban voters - yes, white people - voted support the museum with a special millage tax in 2012.

Now, because of the mismanagement of the city by black elected officials, one of the last remaining remnants of the culture black people drove away from the city of Detroit is potentially going on the auction block. But black people long ago turned their back on the DIA, as Abt makes clear in his book:

The differential treatment of the DIA and MAAH by the city’s political leadership can be traced directly to Detroit’s evolving demographic profile. Whereas African Americans constituted barely 4 percent of the city’s population in 1920, the year Detroit assumed ownership of the DIA, by the mid-199s African Americans composed 70 percent of the city’s residents. As discussed earlier, the demographic change was accompanied by a shift in political power confirmed by the election of Coleman Young as the city’s first African American mayor in 1974 and a gradual but sure change to majority African American stakes in the city council and other political arenas. Just as the DIA once symbolized and served the cultural aspirations of Detroit’s citizenry, the MAAH now performed much the same role – but for a dramatically different ethnic constituency than the one that established the DIA. The point was made solemnly clear following Coleman Young’s death in late November 1997 when his body was placed in state below the MAAH’s rotunda for Detroit’s resident to pay their final respects. (p. 244-45)

 Earlier in the book, Abt makes this point about Young’s victory as mayor in a 1974:

He was elected mayor on the strength of an African American plurality in Detroit, and like most who voted for him, he perceived his victory as an African American victory that truly made the City of Detroit their city. (p.186)

The condition of Detroit in 2013 directly correlates to blacks assuming control of the city and driving whites away. And as a way to pay off creditors, the City of Detroit - their city - might have to sell evil whitey's art...

An oasis in a sea of vulgarity. 

That's what the DIA represents; to blacks, it might represent a way of paying off six percent of their debt.

Agent Smith Was Right: Bloomberg.com Quantifies the cost of the Black Undertow

Back in October 2012, we published a quick look at the cost of black crime to the city of Chicago.

Remember, the 'Great Migration' = 'Manifest Destruction', and the kind folks at Bloomberg.com decided to fill in the gaps of our article (I still like our title better -- Shot Through the Heart and You're to Blame: The Cost to Taxpayers of Black Crime in Chicago) and provide a stunning exclamation point to the analysis we provided late last year [Chicago Killings Cost $2.5 Billion as Murders Top N.Y.’s, Bloomberg.com, May 23, 2013]:

A lot of truth in this scene from The Matrix

When Gregory Glinsey was fatally shot while buying ice for his mother’s 80th birthday party, the emotional toll on his family was incalculable. The immediate price to the public was $800 for his autopsy. 

His slaying and 505 others in Chicago last year scarred it with a rising homicide rate as most cities saw declines. Another 2,000 non-fatal shootings in Chicago added costs measured in shuttered businesses, lost wages, disability checks and depopulation. In Glinsey’s case, the price of his random killing mounted before his mother knew her 54-year-old son wouldn’t return from a convenience store in the South Shore neighborhood.

Graphic: Measuring the Cost of Gun Violence

More than three dozen police swarmed the scene of the Feb. 19, 2012, shooting, which also killed a 19-year-old and injured five other teenagers. After $1,000 ambulance rides to hospitals for each survivor, the combined trauma-care bill would, on average, top $250,000. Gunfire outside Budget Food & Liquors cost its owner a tenant and $1,000 in monthly rent: A tax preparer next door bolted after a bullet from another shooting ripped past a secretary’s head.

“Violence hurts the economy, and sooner or later it permeates everything,” said Teyonda Wertz, head of South Shore’s chamber of commerce. “Unless we change our crime situation, it’ll kill us.”

All told, shootings cost Chicago $2.5 billion a year, or about $2,500 per household, according to Jens Ludwig, director of the University of Chicago Crime Lab. Many of those costs are intangibles, Ludwig said, like keeping people from going outside or letting their children walk to school. Reducing even a fraction of the carnage, though, would free up more money than the city expects to save each year from the closing of 49 elementary schools approved yesterday by the school board.

Chicago Bleeding

Nationwide, the crime lab estimates, gun violence costs $100 billion, roughly the salaries of 2 million police officers.

Chicago, the third-largest U.S. city, last year recorded a homicide rate more than three times New York City’s and double that of Los Angeles. It also had about 900 more non-fatal shootings than New York despite having a third as many residents. New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg is co-founder of Bloomberg LP, parent company of Bloomberg News.

In a nation beset by handgun deaths and injuries, Chicago is a big city that bleeds more than almost any other.

The bloodshed last year prompted Mayor Rahm Emanuel, a Democrat who is President Barack Obama’s former chief of staff, to reverse a money-saving decision that let police ranks drop to the lowest in at least five years.

Burning Overtime

Citywide through May 12, homicides were down 39 percent and shootings 28 percent. To help accomplish that, though, the police in just three months burned through almost two-thirds of the entire year’s overtime-pay budget, which the department said is $38 million.

“It’s a shell game,” said Pat Camden, a spokesman for Chicago’s Fraternal Order of Police. “We are shifting things back and forth trying to appease the aldermen and the public.”

In South Shore, the price of such violence can be gauged in its grim decline, from a vibrant redoubt among neighborhoods that have long been synonymous with urban mayhem to one on the verge of joining their ranks.

The community of 50,000 people on the south side of the city of 2.7 million is the childhood home of first lady Michelle Obama, who grew up on the second floor of a bungalow on Euclid Avenue. There she befriended the children of the city’s black elite, including civil rights leader Jesse Jackson Sr. It’s where software pioneer Larry Ellison, co-founder and chief executive of Oracle Corp. (ORCL), was raised and where health-care consultant Dr. Eric Whitaker, one of the Obamas’ closest friends, lives.

Population Drain

The neighborhood is racially homogenous, 95 percent black after most white residents fled integration decades ago. Yet South Shore is economically divided, with homes selling for anywhere from $10,000 to more than $1 million.

Amid the violence, it’s losing its human and commercial lifeblood. While Chicago’s population fell 6.9 percent from 2000 to 2010, the neighborhood’s sank 19.2 percent, according to the city and Census Bureau.

The number of businesses dropped by a third from 2005 through 2012 in the postal zone that covers the neighborhood, according to Chicago licensing data compiled by Bloomberg. During that period, the citywide total grew by 1.3 percent. The merchants who remain find it tougher to compete.

‘Real Costs’

“In higher-crime neighborhoods it’s more costly to run a business, both in terms of attracting customers and workers,” said Robert Greenbaum, a professor at Ohio State University who has studied the subject. The loss of nighttime business hours robs the U.S. gross national product of as much as $7.4 billion a year, according to research by Ludwig and Philip Cook, authors of “Gun Violence: The Real Costs.”

Some studies suggest it contributes directly to people leaving cities. University of Chicago economist Steven Levitt, co-author of the book “Freakonomics,” found that each homicide leads to the departure of 70 people.

South Shore is providing ample motivation to flee. Last year, 19 homicides occurred within its three square miles. Residents dubbed one particularly violent stretch Terror Town, where Glinsey was hit in the chest after a burst of gunfire from a car that pulled in front of the convenience store. The 19-year-old who was killed was shot in the back while running inside.
On April 30, hours before police officials announced another drop in homicides, the temperature hit 86 degrees Fahrenheit (30 Celsius) for the first time in almost eight months. South Shore erupted: Three people were shot and one killed in six hours.

Society’s Tab

“There is no safe time of day to go out anymore,” said Arthur Lyles, an assistant pastor of Christ Bible Church of Chicago, which sits in the middle of Terror Town. Lyles has a grandson and nephew wounded by gunfire. “You can be shot at 10 in the morning, 1 in the afternoon or 9 at night.''

The tab for taxpayers and society starts running as soon as a bullet strikes someone, from detectives on the street and trauma surgeons at the city’s public hospital to months of rehab for victims and years of court proceedings for the accused.

The first to arrive at the Budget Food & Liquors crime scene that February evening was the “paper car,” police slang for the unit charged with completing a preliminary report.

Detectives and evidence technicians soon converged on the corner of 79th Street and Essex Avenue. Lower-priority calls were pushed aside. Suspicion of gang involvement brought more, including patrolmen to discourage retaliation. With Glinsey dead on the sidewalk, a homicide team consisting of a sergeant and a handful of investigators were dispatched, said Joseph Salemme, commander of detectives for the South Side.

Body Bags

The initial response cost as much as $6,000 in salary alone for the roughly five hours that officers spent gathering evidence and interviewing witnesses.

Then there were the incidentals: The medical examiner’s office paid $4.58 for the body bag, including the plastic sheets and tape used to seal Glinsey’s remains for the trip to the morgue.
No one’s been charged in the slaying of the unemployed former steelworker who lived with his mother. If suspects are arrested, police must charge or release them within 48 hours, so officers often put in night and weekend duty to meet the deadline.

“Every murder incurs overtime,” Salemme said, with extreme cases consuming 1,000 to 1,500 hours of “premium pay.”

It can take years to develop tips from reluctant witnesses, and that doesn’t come cheap -- detective pay ranges from $63,642 to $96,444.

Fewer Police

Buffeted by the worst recession since the Great Depression, the city has tried to make its force leaner. Emanuel’s predecessor, Mayor Richard M. Daley, started the trend in 2008 by not filling vacant police positions.

Emanuel continued the reductions after taking office in May 2011. Last year’s homicide spike came after the number of rank-and-file officers dropped to 12,236 in 2011 from 13,749 in 2006, according to pension-fund records.

There weren’t enough cadets to replace those retiring, and Emanuel in October pushed for hiring more than 450 cops as part of his $8.3 billion spending plan for 2013. Last week, the police academy graduated 105, its largest class since 2005.

“I’ve been saying for two years we have the number of officers we need,” Police Superintendent Garry McCarthy said in a statement. “Today Chicago has more officers per capita than any of the five major police departments in the country.”

He attributed this year’s gains to giving district commanders more authority and accountability as well as “a return to community policing, a comprehensive gang violence reduction initiative, a more holistic approach to narcotics enforcement.” 

Trauma Bills

On a recent Saturday night, five of eight occupied intensive-care beds in the unit had shooting victims. One man had 10 bullet holes, including one through his jaw that would require a feeding tube for at least six weeks and nursing-home care. Another had a spinal-cord wound that would leave him a quadriplegic and a “significant burden on the taxpayer,” said Dr. Andrew Dennis, 43, a trauma surgeon.

This wasn’t an extraordinary night. Last year, the hospital treated 846 shooting victims at a total cost of about $44 million, with trauma care averaging $52,000 per case, according to the county. Seventy percent of the victims treated at what’s formally called John H. Stroger Jr. Hospital have no insurance, so their bills are part of the annual $500 million taxpayer tab for the county health system.

During the heat of the summer, Dennis said, he’s seen as many as 20 gunshot victims in one 24-hour shift. Several times a month, he’ll see repeat customers. Often, doctors leave the bullets inside because taking them out surgically is more risky.

“Most people who leave, leave with their bullets in them forever,” said Dennis, who exhibits a police officer’s toughness. In fact, he’s a medical director for the Cook County Sheriff’s office and carries a gun when not at the hospital.

Brain Damage

For the 98 percent of gunshot victims who depart alive, their next stop is often the Rehabilitation Institute of Chicago.

Gunshot wounds represent about one in 20 of the institute’s patients, said Dr. Elliot Roth, its medical director. More of its gunshot victims have multiple wounds than those from a decade ago, the result of increasing use of semi-automatic weapons. That can mean exponentially greater neurological damage that is more expensive to treat, Roth said.

Care can cost $100,000 or more -- covered by taxpayers if the patient is indigent -- with the average about $35,000 and inpatient stays lasting about six weeks. Once a victim goes home, making it wheelchair accessible often costs tens of thousands of dollars.

As victims recover, the cost of prosecuting attackers mounts. Police earn overtime for court appearances outside normal shifts, much of it wasted because it’s not uncommon for murder trials to be delayed as many as 20 times. Six to eight officers and detectives may testify.

Squandered Hopes

Other costs are less tangible: lost wages and squandered hopes.

Kelley Boyd, who has lived in South Shore for the past decade, became a harbinger for the neighborhood when he was shot at age 16 while walking down a street several miles away. Costs associated with his wounds have been accumulating for two decades.

He spends days in a wheelchair in his three-room apartment, watching TV and collecting his $700 monthly disability check and $100 in food stamps.

He points with an index finger to a spot left of his nose where a bullet entered, leaving him partially paralyzed on his right side. He struggles for vocal clarity, occasionally snapping the fingers of his left hand in search of words.

Lost Wages

As a teenager, Boyd planned to become an accountant. That’s roughly $600,000 in lost wages for South Shore, assuming a starting salary for a tax preparer of about $40,000.

“I’m not through,” he says, showing a flash of anger. “I’m too smart to be doing this. It’s not what I want for myself.”

Beyond Boyd’s broken venetian blinds, hundreds of people were attacked on South Shore’s streets in recent years. The 420 shootings in 2011 and 2012 in the police district that includes most of the neighborhood represented a two-year increase of 20 percent, four times as large as the city as a whole, police data show. So far this year, shootings in the district are down 55 percent from the same period in 2012 and 15 percent from 2011.

The socioeconomic opposite of Terror Town, where Glinsey was killed, is a 12-block section of South Shore called Jackson Park Highlands. It’s distinctive for its architecture, affluence and isolation.

Dead Bodies

The Highlands’ well-educated professionals represent a vital component of the neighborhood’s future that the violence threatens to drive away.

“If you’re making $100,000 or $200,000, you’re not going to want to continue to step over bodies,” said Henry English, president and chief executive officer of the Black United Fund of Illinois, a South Shore-based community development group, who has seen gunshot victims lying dead outside his office and on his block at home.

The commercial heart of the neighborhood sits less than three blocks from the Highlands home of James Norris, yet he said he feels he has to “be on guard” when he’s on 71st Street. “I would usually prefer to avoid the area,” he said.

Violence has prompted the South Shore chamber of commerce to discourage businesses from staying open at night and to seek fines -- and even shutter -- stores that tolerate loitering. Merchants struggle with people selling individual cigarettes called “loosies” and illegal drugs.

Fleeing Violence

Two months after Glinsey was fatally shot outside Budget Food & Liquors, the tax preparer next door fled. The Jackson Hewitt branch moved eight blocks north to 71st Street, near a shopping center anchored by franchise drug, electronics, grocery and sandwich outlets.

That wasn’t far enough. On the evening of April 30, three men were shot near the stores. The next morning, a 27-year-old man was killed about three blocks away.

Wertz, the executive director of the South Shore Chamber Inc., has a different challenge than her peers in most suburbs or more stable city neighborhoods.

The South Shore commercial strips she touts are defined mostly by beauty salons, wig shops, liquor stores, check cashing operations and tax preparation outlets. Wertz’s wish list: auto parts, shoes, a pancake house, a Marshalls and a T.J. Maxx.

Crime Consultant

Wertz, whose organization employs its own crime consultant, is pushing the city to open a police substation on 71st Street, a year and a half after Emanuel closed three district stations to help plug a $636 million deficit left by Daley.

“We need to get rid of the impression that there’s always going to be a gun fight,” Wertz said.

Death, it turns out, is death on business.

Sandy Neal, a fashion designer, would like to open a vintage clothing store in his native South Shore.

“I don’t see a lot of foot traffic,” said Neal, 48. “You don’t see people going out to stroll and stop to have coffee.”

Or get supplies for their mother’s birthday party. More than a year after her son’s killing, Bertha Glinsey can’t quite fathom just how far her neighborhood has fallen.

“To think that you could go to the store and not come back alive,” she said, grimacing as she sat at her dining room table. “You can’t do what normal people do.”

Just down Saginaw Street from the two-story brick home where she and her husband reared seven children, a welcome sign still boasts: “A Great Place to Raise a Family.”

Back to Blood: Why Not Just Cancel Urban Beach Week in Miami?

The Indiana Black Expo in Indianapolis should be cancelled. 

Black Biker Week in Myrtle Beach should be cancelled. 

Why not just cancel Urban Beach Week? Because it's 'too black to fail'...

Basically any event that caters to an exclusively-black crowd should be cancelled. 

But they can't be cancelled, for the nature of being an event for black individuals to collectively gather means these events are 'too black to fail'. 

Urban Beach Week in Miami is a perfect example of this concept. 

Instead of canceling an event draw an unwanted quarter of a million (or more) unruly black people to Miami, the city must strategically prepare for a reverse Bay of Pigs incident [Exclusive Look At Urban Beach Week Security Measures, CBS Miami, 5-21-13]:

Sun, sand, music and heightened security pretty much sums up Memorial Day Weekend on South Beach. 

The Miami Beach Police Department is currently preparing for the annual holiday weekend party, commonly referred to as Urban Beach Week, by beefing up security as much as possible.

“Prevention is key,” said Detective Vivian Hernandez.

Prevention takes a lot of planning, which started not long after last year’s festivities ended.

Cameras, both mobile and stationary, have been installed throughout the city. Ready to be deployed throughout the city of Miami Beach are a total of 62 light towers, twelve visual messaging boards and three watch towers.

Roughly 400 officers per shift from multiple agencies will pack the streets of Miami Beach.

In addition to extra bikes and ATVs, the Police Department has a new vehicle on loan referred to as an LTV.

CBS 4 News had the exclusive first look at this 140-thousand dollar light tactical all-terrain vehicle, similar to the ones used in the military.

“This is the only one of its kind,” an officer explained to CBS 4′s Lauren Pastrana. “There’s no other vehicle like this on the market at this time.”

But instead of war zones overseas, cops will use it to protect the city of Miami Beach, as well as its residents and visitors.

“A dark beach at night, I would compare it to dark alley in a big city."

The camera uses infrared technology to detect heat signatures on the beach, so even in the dead of night, officers can see people on a small screen mounted inside the vehicle.

“We could easily pick up a heat signature on this camera close to 3/4 of a mile away,” the officer explained.

In a tech truck about a mile from the heart of the action, another network of surveillance cameras can be viewed on one giant screen.

Eighteen cameras placed throughout the city, in partnership with the Miami-Dade Police Department, will help alert officers if trouble occurs.

“When a crowd develops, people watching those cameras can let the officers know, ‘Hey, please respond to that area. Make sure everybody is safe. Make sure nothing is developing or becoming a problem’.”

Memorial Day Weekend 2013... this is why those brave men stormed Normandy and fought the Japanese in a bloody racial war on islands like Iwo Jima: so black people could engage in behavior requiring the type of armaments and supplies usually necessary to guard suspected terrorists at a place like Gitmo. 

Welcome to Miami, right?

The reason for the deployment of military-style equipment at
Urban Beach Week in Miami

Though last year's hip-hop flavored party in Miami wasn't as violent as the 2011 version of Urban Beach Week, the Miami Herald pointed out it took police state measures to ensure peace, tranquility, and some modicum of order was established among the throngs of blacks. 

Well, this year the kind, gentle hearts at the ACLU are upset at the display of police power - and the deployment of high-tech weaponry better suited for guarding IRS Offices across the nation from angry, overweigh Tea Party members - and have already made the case that Urban Beach Week is legally 'too black to fail' [Miami Beach residents, businesses, police brace for Memorial Day crush, Miami Herald, 5-23-13]:  

Read more here: http://www.miamiherald.com/2013/05/22/3411342/miami-beach-residents-businesses.html#storylink=cpy

While residents and business owners brace, the ACLU will be on high alert. The group’s local leaders say Miami Beach’s increased security measures could be considered discriminatory.

“We wish the city of Miami Beach would welcome visitors to Urban Beach Week, who happen to be black, the same way it welcomes visitors to every other big event, like Art Basel or the boat show,” ACLU Miami president Jeff Borg wrote in an email. “Instead, city leaders have been working hard to suppress this one group.”

The ACLU has taken to the radio to explain people’s rights and to tell them to report possible complaints or problems on the ACLU’s Florida website. The group will have ambassadors roving the island all weekend.

 The Indiana Black Expo in Indianapolis should be cancelled. 

Urban Beach Week in Miami should be cancelled. 

A bill should be sent to the Southern Christian Leadership Conference by the city of Chicago to pay for the hefty monetary amount necessary to cover for the preponderance of black murder offenders in that city. 

Not just for 2012, but for every years since MLK marched in Chicago. 

With interest. 

But our anger shouldn't be targeted at the people who make Chicago unsafe; who roam the streets of Miami during Urban Beach Week and require police-state measures to control; who bring dysfunction and chaos to Indianapolis during the Indiana Black Expo; no, our anger should be targeted to those in control of Black-Run America (BRA). 

After all -- it's only black people engaging in stereotypical black behavior that is responsible for the police beefing-up security in Miami. 

In a simple phrase, it's simply 'back to blood' for blacks during Urban Beach Week.

Read more here: http://www.miamiherald.com/2013/05/22/3411342/miami-beach-residents-businesses.html#storylink=cpy

Emma West, a Lonely Nation Turns Its Eye to You

Emma West.

Enoch Powell.

Their words fell on deaf ears.

Why is this guy in England? Seriously? Why?

How about this? [Blood on his hands, hatred in his eyes: 2.30pm on a suburban high street, Islamic fanatics wielding meat cleavers butcher a British soldier, taking their war on the West to a new level of horror, Daily Mail, May 22, 2013]:

Clutching a bloodied meat cleaver after executing a soldier on a crowded street, he delivers a  chilling message of hate.

‘You people will never be safe,’ he declares in a clear south London accent. ‘An eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth.’

In broad daylight, he and an accomplice had just repeatedly stabbed and tried to behead an off-duty soldier in front of  dozens of passers-by.

Throughout the frenzied attack they shouted ‘Allah Akbar’ – Arabic for ‘God is great’ – then demanded horrified witnesses film them as they ranted over the  crumpled body.

The two black men in their 20s, waited calmly for armed police to arrive before charging at officers brandishing a rusty revolver, knives and meat cleavers.

Why are these people in England? Oh wait, we have an answer [Immigrants? We sent out search parties to get them to come... and made it hard for Britons to get work, says Mandelson

• Former minister admits Labour deliberately engineered mass immigration
• Between 1997 and 2010 net migration to Britain totalled 2.2million, Daily Mail, May 13, 2013]:

Labour sent out ‘search parties’ for immigrants to get them to come to the UK, Lord Mandelson has admitted.

In a stunning confirmation that the Blair and Brown governments deliberately engineered mass immigration, the former Cabinet Minister and spin doctor said New Labour sought out foreign workers.

He also conceded that the influx of arrivals meant the party’s traditional supporters are now unable to find work.

An image from the riots in England only a few years ago -- an immigrant to the UK makes an indigenous  Briton strip...

By contrast, Labour leader Ed Miliband has said his party got it wrong on immigration but has refused to admit it was too high under Labour.

Between 1997 and 2010, net migration to Britain totalled more than 2.2million, more than twice the population of Birmingham.

The annual net figure quadrupled under Labour from 48,000 people in 1997 to 198,000 by 2009.

Lord Mandelson’s remarks come three years after Labour officials denied claims by former adviser Andrew Neather that they deliberately encouraged immigration in order to change the make-up of Britain.

Mr Neather said the policy was designed to ‘rub the Right’s nose in diversity’. 

He said there was ‘a driving political purpose: that mass immigration was the way that the Government was going to make the UK truly multicultural’.

Senior Labour figures have been reluctant to concede they deliberately engineered the influx of migrants who have transformed communities over the past decade.

But, at a rally for the Blairite think-tank Progress, Lord Mandelson said: ‘In 2004 when as a Labour government, we were not only welcoming people to come into this country to work, we were sending out search parties for people and encouraging them, in some cases, to take up work in this country.’

He said: ‘The problem has grown during the period of economic stagnation over the last five, six years.’

Those in charge of the government of England are responsible; not the government (contrary to libertarian claims, government can be good when those elected to represent their constituents actually have their best interests at heart when making policy), but those elected to run the government. 

Emma West was right; Enoch Powell was right; hell, Marcus Garvey was right. 
 
Western Civilization needs an enema. 
 
 

The Lesson of the 1971 McDonald's Built in the Shadow of the Cabrini-Green Housing Projects in Chicago

PK NOTE -- Yr: Five starts tomorrow. Today marks the four-year anniversary of the start of SBPDL. This past year was to be the final year of this site, but SBPDL has grown into something beyond a parody Web site. In 2009, an experiment began on May 22 -- today, that experiment has birthed Second City Confidential: The Black Experience in Chicagoland. The fourth book in an ongoing series documenting the collapse of America's great cities, no work is more timely than the account of the black experience in Chicago. 

“Standing up and Standing Out: how I teamed with a few Black men, changed the face of McDonald’s, and shook up corporate America,” is Roland L. Jones account of the founding the National Black McDonald’s Operators Association (NBMOA) and his ascension up the corporate ladder at a company that eventually 100 percent 365Black.

The blueprint for how McDonald's - and all corporate America - went 365Black

His book offers a virtual timeline in how the ‘365Black’ marketing strategy came into place at McDonald’s – even in the 1960s, McDonald’s main corporate office in Chicago was spending more money to help keep afloat franchises owned by blacks – and a powerful lesson in why corporate America is firmly in the pocket of what we dubbed Black-Run America (BRA).

One lesson from Jones’ book reminds us of the story of the closed Wal-Mart in Tuskegee. As we approach the start of Year 5 (four-year anniversary of the site is today), allow us this one moment to highlight this great moment in black history:

An unforgettable illustration of the kind of difficulties we ran into was Cabrini-Green. In 1971, the company [McDonald’s] decided to build a new restaurant across the street from the massive cluster of government housing projects called Cabrini-Green, in the old “Little Italy” section of Chicago. The company had great hopes for the Cabrini-Green venture, which was the first new store constructed in a majority black area in Chicago. The potential market was huge: more than 15,000 people lived in the projects. Unemployment was extremely high, but our black McDonald’s owners in other low-income Chicago areas were already showing increased sales and earnings, so everyone thought it was do-able in the projects. I was convinced that the Cabrini-Green store would provide employment and the kind of job training that would translate into wider opportunities for project residents. 

 The new store seemed to me an ideal opportunity to act on Ray Kroc’s commitment to give back to the community. 

 The plan went forward in a real spirit of optimism. The flaw was that no one, myself included, dug deeply enough into the situation at Cabrini-Green to really grasp the inherent problems. We badly misjudged the economic viability of the location. Most of the people in the projects lived entirely or partly on welfare or Social Security, and they only had money to spend on the few days after their government checks arrived (or, for the fortunate few, when they received their pay checks). Also, Cabrini-Green was among the worst maintained and most dangerous housing projects in the whole country, and many of the residents didn’t feel safe leaving their apartments, much less visiting the restaurant or sending their kids there. Although situated near some of the city’s most affluent areas, Cabrini-Green was like an isolated island. Non-residents rarely came into the projects unless they had to, and they left as soon as they could, so there was very little pass-through traffic to sustain businesses when the locals stayed away. 

 The Cabrini-Green projects were often compared to a prison, and prisons breed lawlessness. The first trouble came almost immediately when a local black preacher and a so-called “activist,” backed up by young men from the projects, began pressuring the owner-operator, Andrew Davis, for jobs and favors in what was basically a shakedown scheme. 

 The situation was similar to what Sherman Claypool faced in Milwaukee, and there was always the potential that it could flare into a mini-version of the 1969 Cleveland boycott [PK NOTE: we wrote about that here]. I was Andy’s field consultant, and I supported him when he stood up to the pressure. Frustrated, the troublemakers went around us to corporate, and Pat Flynn, the area manager for McOpCo (the company owned stores), and Joe Brown… were drawn in to negotiate some kind of settlement, with help from those of us in the regional office. Both Pat and Joe got death threats, but they also refused to cave. Joe was adept at turning the activists’ demands back on themselves: They would call for a jobs program; Joe would ask them to present their plan for the program; then they would back off because, of course, they had no plan. Jobs weren’t what they were really after. Joe and Pat eventually did negotiate for landscaping work, and McDonald’s helped the group start a landscaping business. But the whole thing petered out when the would-be extortionists lost interest.

The Cabrini-Green McDonald's -- like the Wal-Mart in Tuskegee, a near 100 percent black community couldn't sustain a private business; nor could they sustain the Cabrini-Green projects...

 Andy Davis was an experienced operator and became a valued member of the BMOA [Black McDonald’s Operating Association]… but even he couldn’t make the Cabrini-Green restaurant successful. With so little money in the housing projects and no outside traffic, the store could not build volume and was frequently empty. It struggled on for several years but was eventually closed by McDonald’s. In financial terms, it was a failure. The company never gave up on any store without a fight, so I’m sure there were also some bruised egos inside the Ivory Tower when the Cabrini-Green store was shut down.  (p. 223-225)

Cabrini-Green, like Robert Taylor Homes, is no more.

In the absence of whiteness, you get a situation like that found at the former Chicago Housing Authority (CHA) Cabrini-Green or Robert Taylor Homes -- like a black hole, everything near it was sucked into the nothingness of the 365Black community.

Not even McDonald's was spared. 

The moral of the story? 

The era of 365Black - not just McDonald's marketing strategy, but Black-Run America as well - will pass. 

Our job is to survive.