|A common scene in any majority black community -- especially those in New Orleans|
Interestingly, they won't go away without a fight -- though the fight seems almost universally internecine violence within their own community [Life expectancy is low in some parts of New Orleans, NOLA.com, 6-20-12]:
People living in the ZIP code 70112, which includes sections of Mid-City and Treme, are expected to die at 54 years, according to the report. They are also five times more likely to die from heart disease than are those living in ZIP code 70113, which includes Central City and the Central Business District, an area that has the second-highest heart disease mortality rates in the city.
People living in poor neighborhoods repopulated after Katrina, such as Mid-City and Treme, are also more likely to have dropped out of high school and engage in violent crime.
“It’s a privilege to live in certain areas,” said Dr. Andre Perry, leader of the research team and associate director for educational initiatives at Loyola University. “But it is also true that there are frenetic neighborhoods where people are dying before their time.”
Perry says that the history of segregation in Louisiana has allowed neighborhood-level inequities in health and education to persist. New Orleans currently has a 65.5 percent overall level of segregation, based on U.S. 2010 census data. It also ranked 34th out of the top 100 most segregated cities in the United States in the 2005-2009 American Community survey.
ZIP code 70112 is 75 percent black -- the horrendous conditions (when compared to those standards of civilization set by white communities) of the area are a direct reflection of the type of communities individual black people collective create. All the negatives aspects of life in ZIP 70112 directly correlate to it having a majority black population.
Living in a civilized neighborhood is not a privilege. One must work hard (sacrificing much) to shelter and protect their family from the reality of racial differences found in cities like New Orleans, Birmingham, Atlanta, and Memphis.
The New Orleans Times Picayune Jarvis DeBerry can whine all he wants about how the residents of the city have become desensitized to black shootings, but the reality is all of these shootings only confirm the need to steer clear of having black neighbors or living in a community numerically dominated by black people. [Dumaine Street block has become one of New Orleans' most dangerous since Hurricane Katrina, NOLA.com, 1-1-2011]
Or politically dominated by blacks.
Embattled former New Orleans Mayor Ray Nagin appointed Edward J. Blakely to be Director of the Office of Recovery and Development Administration after Hurricane Katrina.
My Storm: Managing the Recovery of New Orleans in the Wake of Katrina, an account of Blakely’s time as managing the recovery effort post-Katrina, offers a fascinating lesson into how the black population of the city – admittedly largely reliant on low-income housing – had both taken political control of the city and how they were on the cusp of losing that control:
The infamous green dots were used by the BNOB [Bring New Orleans Back] committee to designate areas, largely black lower-and middle-class neighborhoods, that were to be transformed into wetlands. Post-recovery plans put forward by several groups put strong emphasis on local economic recovery and especially small business and the arts. But the real contest was housing for whom?
|Edward Blakely presided over the inadvertent resurrection of the city|
To reassure blacks who worried that post-storm New Orleans would become majority white after three decades of black demographic and political domination, Mayor Nagin used the term “chocolate city.”
His language, in turn, kindled fears in whites about a return to the city of low-income, public housing residents. In 2002, the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) had taken over management of New Orleans public housing because, as HUD state, “even before Hurricane Katrina struck, many New Orleanians were ill-served by aging, poorly maintained public units.”
Damage from the 2005 storms, including mold, further weakened the structures, which led to the final decision not to reoccupy most of the city’s public housing, and to tear down most of the units. That threatened not only a substantial part of the housing for blacks, but also black political power. The political equation was easy to understand. Many of New Orleans’ black people lived in public or subsidized low-income accommodations.
These accommodations numbered more than 17,000, and they were extraordinarily segregated, with 95 percent occupancy by African Americans, the largest such concentration in the nation. Most black residents were renters. Furthermore, New Orleans had one of the lowest rates of homeownership in the nation, 45 percent, two-thirds of the U.S. average. HUD’s post-storm shuttering of all the largest public housing facilities in the city seriously impaired black political organization.
So Nagin’s remark about “chocolate city” had a major impact: it energized many New Orleans whites, who realized that, with no “public housing vote” for the first time in decades, they might actually have the numbers to install white political leadership.
The mayor got off to a shaky start after his reelection. It wasn’t clear whose side he was on. The BNOB green dots threatened to turn many traditionally African American communities into park land, and the closure of public housing and the loss of small pockets of low-income homeowners in the 9th Ward and similar low-lying areas suggested that black homeowners and renters would have few places to live in New Orleans.
The black community started talking of a white conspiracy to retake political control. People love to imagine conspiracies, and that theory swept through the city beyond: it was repeated in the national media. (p. 77)What is life like for the remaining black underclass left behind in the wake of Hurricane Katrina [Mother's Day shooting victim, 10, lost cousin Briana Allen and father to violence, NOLA.com, 5-15-13]:
Ka'Nard Allen, 10, does not want to talk about what must be the longest and hardest year of his life. He doesn't want to talk about Mother's Day, when he was grazed by a bullet at a second line parade in New Orleans' 7th Ward, one of 19 people injured in a mass shooting.
He doesn't want to talk about October, when his father, 38-year-old Bernard Washington, was fatally stabbed in eastern New Orleans by his stepmother after Washington allegedly choked and beat her. She has been charged with manslaughter.
And he really doesn't want to talk about his 10th birthday party last May 29, when his 5-year-old cousin, Briana Allen, was fatally shot and a bullet hit Ka'Nard in the neck. The man accused of shooting Briana was arrested last month and, last week, was among 15 people indicted on gang racketeering charges in that incident and many others.Just like in Savannah, one of the quintessential southern cities (that is being lost to Organized Blackness), crime/murder/non-fatal shootings in New Orleans are almost entirely caused by individual blacks -- who collectively help make the city one of the world's most dangerous places.
The flood waters created by the natural disaster known as Hurricane Katrina may have receded, but the unnatural disaster left behind in its wake continues to prove far costly - and deadlier - even though the Bring New Orleans Back [BNOB] committee did the right thing and pushed to destroy public housing.
A few solutions remain to make the city of New Orleans a livable place again -- take away all government assistance for the black residents of the city reliant on such a lavish tax-payer funded existence (having children isn't a reward bringing undeserved lucre) and remove the police from patrolling these areas -- after all, the police in NOLA are racist anyways.