Details Emerge of the Home Invasion of White Family by Six Black Males in Indianapolis

Repeatedly raped. Shot. Robbed.

A gruesome home invasion, in a part of an increasingly transitioning city where residents once left their doors unlocked at night.

No, this isn’t South Africa.

It’s Indianapolis, a city where black newsman Amos Brown III openly brags about black voter solidarity at the polls (and describes the relationship of the Indianapolis Police Department with the black community as an “occupying army”), which will inevitably bring about black political dominance of the executive branch of government. [Here’s what happens when determined Black voters get out and vote, Indianapolis Recorder, 11-15-2012].

As many as six black men engaged in a horrifying home invasion of a white family, from which no magical ‘white privilege’ genie appeared to save the day and stop the raping, pillaging, and shooting from happening.

This home invasion serves as a metaphor for what has been happening to the health of the city of Indianapolis over the past forty-fifty years. [Court record details horrors of Far-Northside home invasion, IndyStar, 11-5-13]:

A newly released probable cause affidavit paints a horrifying picture of a brazen home invasion and sexual assault carried out by a group of men last week on Indianapolis’ Far Northside. 

The affidavit was released as two of the men arrested in connection with the crimes — Alexander Dupree, 23, and Trae Spells, 18 — appeared Monday afternoon in Marion County criminal court, where they were formally charged with rape, criminal deviate conduct, robbery and criminal confinement. 

A third man, Demetre Brown, 21, also appeared for a hearing Monday. He is charged in the Oct. 24 robbery of a house in the 7000 block of Spring Mill Road. Police think the two incidents are connected. 

The affidavit alleges that a couple and their daughter living in a residence in the 800 block of East 79th Street were terrorized, possibly for hours, on Oct. 29 by a group of men that included Dupree and Spells. 

According to the affidavit, the men broke into the home, went into the couple’s bedroom and started screaming at them, demanding money. 

Overhearing the commotion, the daughter woke up in her own bedroom, grabbed her purse and walked into her parents’ bedroom to offer it to the men. The affidavit says she was told to go back into her room; when she did, she heard an argument between her mother and one of the men, who then shot her mother in the leg. 

The affidavit claims the men then began taking items from the house, including a television, but soon grew “disappointed” because there was no money in the house. 

At that point, the affidavit says, some of the men took the mother to an ATM to get money. 

While in the car on the way back, the mother was sexually assaulted. 

The mother told police she tried to escape at one point during the home invasion but was “tackled” by one of the men and shot in the foot by another man, who told her, “Don’t do that again!” It’s not clear whether this was before or after she was taken to the ATM. 

During the entire invasion and assault, the father was restrained in the bedroom. He told police he has a medical condition that requires him to wear braces on his legs and ankles and remained in bed during the incident while some of the men demanded money or car keys from him. 

When the mother left the home, the remaining men became more violent. The affidavit alleges some of the men dragged the daughter around the house and repeatedly raped her. 

Afterward, one of the men ordered the daughter to go with him to a bank to withdraw more money from an ATM, the affidavit says. She told police that man, about 25 years old, told her he attended North Central High School, the same school she had attended. But while “she did not believe she knew the male personally,” the affidavit says, “he just looked like a male she had previously known.” 

The daughter later told police she could not describe many of the men involved in the crime because they “told her not to open her eyes or they would ‘shoot’ her,” the affidavit says. 

The affidavit suggests that as many as six people — including Dupree, Pugh and Spells — were involved in the East 79th Street home invasion, but no other people have been arrested. Brown was charged in the Spring Mill Road case but not the East 79th Street case. 

All of the men appear to have criminal records. Dupree has four prior felony convictions for robbery and criminal confinement for robbing four people at gunpoint on the Northwestside and served almost two years of a six-year sentence. 

Pugh also has a prior felony robbery conviction and served almost three years of a six-year sentence. Both were released early through good-time credits and credits for completing a substance abuse program.

Career criminals, released to once again prey upon a community no longer interested in passing laws to protect it, ensuring communities and neighborhoods remain safe places to raise a family and invest in.

Raised in a community whose leaders understand demography is destiny.

Back in 1997, Amos Brown III demanded the Indianapolis Police Department and the mayor’s office do more to help police the black community, in the process working to build bridges of trust.

Will the Coming, Majority-White Washington D.C. Need ShotSpotter?

Paradoxically, the world found in the capital city of the United States of America resembles that found in Suzanne Collins fictional trilogy The Hunger Games.

The black community in Washington D.C. easily resembles the world found in the twelve districts, with misery and depravity found in abundance, while hope is a commodity afforded to only a few; conversely, the white community in D.C. lives in a world of pure luxury, with a lifestyle far beyond the imagination of those living outside the city, and capable of creating thriving city streets where chaos and blight existed only a decade ago.

A glimpse at homicide suspects in D.C.

Removing the black population from Washington D.C. means an end to homicide, gun-crime, and nonfatal shootings, since the only people participating in these activities are black males; it’s happening before our eyes, with the American capital city more and more resembling Collins dystopian Capitol.

By working, through HUD, to spread the black population in not just Washington D.C., but other failed metropolises (majority-black cities) across the nation, the conditions of much of America is quickly resembling that found in the former haunts of the black population in D.C.

Spread the misery; consolidate the power in the hands of the right kind of white people.

Those white people who dare speak out to their deliberate dispossession become nothing more than a mirror image of the Avox from Collins novel.

But perhaps we should provide the necessary evidence to showcase the black monopoly on gun violence in America’s capital city, demonstrating in the process that once this population is politely relocated (through gentrification by the right kind of white people, of course), a city of unimaginable peace will rise in the very real estate once known as the Murder Capital of the US.

First, the news of nonfatal shootings.[Number of shooting victims now in wheelchairs is hard to determine, Washington Post, 9-8-12]:

 The District’s most severely wounded gunshot survivors — those with head and spinal cord injuries — often end up at MedStar National Rehabilitation Hospital. From 2006 to 2011, the hospital kept detailed data on spinal cord injuries, which it sent to the National Spinal Cord Injury Statistical Center in Alabama. 

In those years, the hospital saw a total of 240 spinal cord injury patients, 61 of whom were there because of bullet wounds. Of those gunshot victims, the overwhelming majority — anywhere from 85.7 percent to 100 percent in any given year — were African American.

Second, the news of homicide in D.C. (declining), which is slowly being exported to zip codes far removed from the District. From the National Institute of Justice comes a 1997 study, Homicide in Eight U.S. Cities: Trends, Context, and Policy Implications: An Intramural Research Project, which clearly shows that as rates of black homicide increase – even if the victim and suspect are both black – white people abandon these cities in droves.

In the study, p.138 clearly reports that, “Those arrested for homicide were likely to be black males.”

Here’s the reality of homicide in D.C. (it hasn’t changed since 1994):

This figure shows that most victims were black—in Washington, D.C., more than 90 percent of all homicide victims were black throughout the study period. Even in the cities whose populations were 70 percent or more white, 50 percent or more of the victims were black. Further, in all cities, the percentage of victims who were black increased or stayed constant over the study period. (p. 28)

Nonfatal shootings and homicide, the handiwork of the black community (a form of fratricide), includes only the rare white participant in Washington D.C; that is, unless it’s a black assailant targeting a white victim. For more on homicides in D.C., consult A Study of Homicides in The District of Columbia. It reports:

 As in previous years, the overwhelming majority of homicide victims in the District of Columbia between 1998 and 2000 were African-American. Of the 744 homicides that occurred during this three-year period, 685 – or more than 92 percent – involved African- American victims. The number of Hispanic/Latino and white victims was identical: 24 in each group, or 3.2 percent of the homicide total. 

Of the 367 suspects arrested for homicide, 345 (94 percent) were African-American – a figure roughly equivalent to the percent of homicide victims who were African-American (92.1). In other words, the overwhelming majority of homicides in the District are black-on-black crimes. Other arrestees during the three-year period included 16 Hispanic/Latino suspects (4.4 percent), five whites (1.4 percent), and one Asian (0.3 percent).

So should we even elucidate upon why ShotSpotter technology was needed in D.C. and just which racial group this system is tracking? [ShotSpotter detection system documents 39,000 shooting incidents in the District, Washington Post, 11-3-13]:

When Absalom Jordan hears the crack of gunfire outside his home in Southeast Washington, he reacts in an instant. “You get away from the windows and get down,” the 72-year-old said. “I have learned to live with it.” 

Police are listening as well. Rooftop sensors monitor his neighborhood around the clock for the distinctive bang of a gun. The inconspicuous devices have logged hundreds of incidents over the past eight years near his apartment as part of a gunfire surveillance network called ShotSpotter. 

About 39,000 separate incidents of gunfire have been documented by ShotSpotter’s unseen web of at least 300 acoustic sensors across 20 square miles of the city, according to an analysis by The Washington Post. The data, obtained through a public-records request, offer an unprecedented view of gun crime in a city where shooting a firearm is illegal in virtually all circumstances. 

“ShotSpotter gives you a specific location,” said Kristopher Baumann, president of the D.C. police union. “You can go there and get out of the car. You can find a victim or shell casings.” 

ShotSpotter’s coverage is most extensive in the eastern half of the city. By quadrant, the network has captured 18,700 incidents in Southeast, 10,600 incidents in Northeast, 6,400 in Northwest and 1,600 in Southwest, which is primarily waterfront and contains large stretches of undeveloped industrial areas. The network has logged an additional 1,600 shootings along the edges of the city. 

Weather appeared to influence the pattern. The month of February had the fewest incidents, and July had the most. Work schedules also played a role. By day of the week, Saturday, Sunday and Friday had the most and Wednesday the fewest. As did sleep: The quietest hour was from 7 a.m. to 8 a.m. 

The District began using ShotSpotter in late 2005 after the FBI gave the city the opportunity to test the technology. A federal grant paid $2 million to place sensors across the 7th Police District in Southeast Washington. 

“The 7th District was selected for ShotSpotter because it led the city in homicides,” said Joel Maupin, who was police commander of the district and has since retired.
The thousands of incidents logged by ShotSpotter stress one fact: Many D.C. residents can’t escape the crack of gunshots, though they have become less frequent, falling to 5,385 in 2012. The Post plotted eight years of incidents on a map of the city, using the latitude and longitude of each. 

A cloud of virtual gunfire emerges, flecked by hot spots. 

In Northeast, the neighborhood surrounding Clay Terrace has been subjected to 302 incidents in the five years since 2008. In 2009, the number peaked at 129. Last year, it dwindled to 17. The area is home to a public housing complex flanked by the Arts and Technology Academy and Marvin Gaye Park. 

Greg Stewart, who lives nearby and serves on the local Advisory Neighborhood Commission, noted the change. 

“Right now, you don’t really hear complaints,” said Stewart, who said he was aware of ShotSpotter from news reports and had noticed an increased police presence in the area. 

In Northwest, where ShotSpotter’s coverage is more limited, a portion of the Columbia Heights neighborhood east of Georgia Avenue between Princeton Place and Lamont Street experienced 299 incidents over the past five years. The number peaked at 99 in 2009, dropping to 46 last year. 

Southeast has the greatest number of hot spots. It also has the greatest ShotSpotter coverage. 

ShotSpotter has captured 329 incidents in a part of the Washington Highlands neighborhood near the 4300 block of Fourth Street SE, just north of the Maryland border. 

“There were times when I was awakened by shots. Shootings are a constant thing in my area,” said Jordan, the 72-year-old who lives there and is a member of the local Advisory Neighborhood Commission. In August, a man was shot to death in front of a nearby apartment.

The seventh district? That’s Anacostia, a 92 percent black hamlet…

Let it be known: the right kind of white people are remaking Washington D.C. in their image, peacefully removing the black population through gentrification and urban renewal programs.

Without a black population in D.C., the ShotSpotter program is completely unnecessary.

Strange as it may sound, D.C. is headed that way. The right kind of white people are moving in; ensuring the black population of D.C. is sent packing to a community made up of the wrong kind of white people.

Who said Hunger Games was fiction?

Yes Virginia, Gun Crime in Your State is Almost An All-Black Affair

More guns, less crime? [Va. gun crime drops again as firearm sales soar: As surge in firearm sales continues, groups debate significance, conclusions; Richmond Times-Dispatch, 8-20-13]

As Virginia's white population drops, the threat of massive gun control laws being passed (in the National Rifle Association's backyard) is a reality -- though gun crime is almost exclusively black crime

Gun-related violent crime continues to drop in Virginia as the sales of firearms continue to soar, a pattern that one local criminologist finds interesting “given the current rhetoric about strengthening gun laws.”

Major gun crime collectively dropped for a fourth consecutive year statewide, while firearms sales climbed to a new record in 2012 with 490,119 guns purchased in 444,844 transactions — a 16 percent rise over 2011, according to federally licensed gun dealer sales estimates obtained by the Richmond Times-Dispatch.

The proliferation of guns occurred as the total number of major reported crimes committed with all types of firearms in Virginia dropped 5 percent, from 4,618 offenses in 2011 to 4,378 last year, according to Virginia State Police data.

Looking back over seven years, total firearm sales in Virginia have risen a staggering 101 percent from 2006 to 2012, while gun-related crime has dropped 28 percent during that period.

 So just who is committing the gun-crime (be it nonfatal shooting or homicides) in Virginia? 

Black people. 

Remember, more blacks, more crime; less blacks, less crime. 

In fact, with Virginians (well, white Virginians) enjoying purchasing record numbers of guns, black people in Virgina are enjoying keeping homicides rates robust in cities like Norfolk and Richmond.[Black-on-Black Homicides Cause For Concern, The New Journal and Guide, 6-20-12]:

On June 10th, for a reason yet to be explained, 58-year-old Desi Denard, was shot to death  by a man he was chatting with in front of a home he shared with a friend on Hale Street in the Lindenwood section of Norfolk. Denard, who went by the name  Muhammad Bilal, according to the woman he shared a home with, was talking with  another man she did not know who was dressed in a hoodie. After a brief exchange, she said the hooded man shot and killed her friend, and then casually walked away down the street. Denard was the 18th victim of homicide in the city of Norfolk thus far in 2012, a trend which surpasses the seven incidents of murder which occurred by this time in 2011. Norfolk’s homicide rate exceeds adjacent communities, during a time when federal and local statistics indicate that the violent crime rate nationally has slowed down in recent years.  But the pace of Black on Black crime, specifically homicide, continues to be unabated in large urban areas around the nation.

 

Of Norfolk’s 18 homicides,17 of the 18 victims are African American. One was a Hispanic male. Most of the African Americans who were killed died at the hands of other African Americans. None of the victims or assailants were white. Portsmouth reports  5; Chesapeake 7; and Virginia Beach, 10, thus far, according to public information officers of  these city’s respective police departments. In Virginia Beach four of the victims were four white male adults and one white infant. There were also four Black male adults and one Black infant who were victims of homicide at the Beach.

 

As of June 9th, Richmond had 17 homicides. Fourteen of the victims were Black males and three of them were Black females, according to that city’s police information officer. The list of  the 18 homicide victims in Norfolk indicates that 14 of the victims were adult Black males. There was a two-month-old  baby girl who was asphyxiated by her 21-year-old father and a seven-month-old baby boy who died of what authorities said was “physical distress” caused by his 29-year-old male caregiver. The other Black male victims range from their 20s to Denard, who was in his late 50s.

 

According to Norfolk Police Department spokesman Chris Amos, 12 of the 18  homicides  have been solved so far.  Motivations for the violence vary, he said, from domestic squabbles to robbery to simple arguments that escalated to murder.  Many of the motives are unknown because suspects have not cooperated. The rate of homicides exists, despite efforts by the Norfolk Police Department to devote more resources and personnel to “hot spots” where drugs distribution activity fueled by local gangs are taking place, again, in many working class and mostly Black  neighborhoods of the city. The issue of high level of Black on Black crime in Norfolk and other urban centers has been a source of concern for Black civic, political, and spiritual leadership for years, especially during times of economic weaknesses which the country is experiencing now. Reasons vary from economics to the easy availability of unregistered guns, social deprivation, school drop-outs and stable family life.

 

Norfolk’s Black population represents close to half of the city’s inhabitants. The city has one of the largest numbers of Black middle class residents in the region, but there are still large concentrations of poor, and economically isolated communities where crime is prevalent. Most of the homicides in the city occurred in the Super Ward 7, represented by Councilwoman Angelia Williams on the Norfolk City Council. She said that when she attends civic league meetings the neighborhoods which make up her voting district the issue of crime is front and center on the agenda. On June 12, the Lindenwood and Cottage Heights Civic Leagues shifted their focus to how they would steer the communities to respond to the most recent shooting which took place just blocks away from the Union Baptist Church where the groups hold their joint  monthly civic league meeting.

Rev. Geoffrey Guns is the Senior Pastor of the  Second Calvary Baptist Church in the city’s Broadcreek section.  Rev. Guns agrees with Williams that the “proliferation” of handguns in the Black community “promotes nothing but a culture of violence. Many of the guns are unregistered and owned by irresponsible  people who acquire them illegally and easily because  the NRA is pushing politicians to relax access to guns to promote the fantasy of gun ownership based on the Constitution. “Thus we have Black on Black crime … with guns … along with high poverty and  the  devaluation of our own worth as a people. This is helping us commit communal genocide,” said Guns. 

 

He continued, “The educational disparity is fostered by the high dropout rate, which I believe is racially motivated. Have you looked  at the children being put out of the schools in large number? They are  Black …they are male ... they are from  dysfunctional homes where they may never see an adult rise in the morning to go off to work, especially a man.  Many of the public programs of the Great Society have been  dismantled; they claimed they did not work. 

“But they lifted  a large portion of Black  people out of poverty when they did exist.”

Let's dig a just a tad bit deep into the homicides in Richmond (though it's no longer 1994, Richmond is still dangerous courtesy of the melanin-enriched population) [Richmond-region homicides dip in 2011, Richmond Times-Dispatch, 1-15-12]:

Following a nationwide trend, the Richmond region saw a notable decline in killings last year, with 11 of the area's 21 localities going homicide-free. 

Police departments in the Richmond Metropolitan Statistical Area collectively recorded 82 homicides in 2011, or 12 percent fewer than the 93 slayings the year before, according to a Richmond Times-Dispatch review of area homicide data.

The drop can be attributed largely to decreases in Richmond and Petersburg, which together recorded 11 fewer homicides, combined with five rural localities that saw their killings collectively fall by seven from 2010 to 2011.

Although Richmond accounted for 48 percent of the region's killings, 2011 marked the fourth consecutive year that the city's homicide count was in the 40s or lower.

"The news that homicides are declining holds true in most areas nationwide, and it appears that central Virginia is no different," said Jay Albanese, a criminologist and professor of criminal justice studies at Virginia Commonwealth University. "There's been a few upticks here and there over the last decade, but the downward trend is clear."

Last year's regional tally of homicide victims included 69 males, 13 females, 59 blacks, 18 whites, four Hispanics and one Asian.

Sixty-six of the 82 killings, or 80 percent, were by gunfire. Seven were fatally beaten or suffered lethal blunt-force injuries; five were stabbed; two were asphyxiated; and one was fatally burned. The cause of death in one case has yet to be determined.

Of the suspects arrested so far, 67 are men, six are women, 59 are black, 12 are white and two Hispanic. Police charged multiple suspects in some homicide cases. Four suspects were fatally shot by police.

The disproportionate number of blacks who were killed declined from 80 percent in 2010 to 76 percent in 2011. But the number of blacks charged in killings increased from 71 percent in 2010 to 80 percent last year.

In Richmond, 82 percent of the city's homicide victims and 90 percent of the identified suspects were black.

"There's a high intercorrelation between socioeconomic status, education and involvement in violence," Albanese said of the racial disparity.

Typically, people with higher incomes and more education are better equipped to deal with major conflicts in their lives in a rational manner, and have access to resources to help them resolve those issues, Albanese said. But "people without education or income often lash out because they're not only angry at the person (they feel wronged them), they're angry at their circumstance."

Richmond Deputy Commonwealth's Attorney Learned Barry said the city's reported total of 37 killings last year — the second-lowest number since at least 1970 — offers further validation that Richmond is far less plagued by violence than in years past.

Impulse control. Future-time orientation. Some form of conflict/resolution ability mixed with an understanding of risk/reward...that's why black people have such a virtual lock on gun crime in Virginia.  

Or that forbidden, unmentionable word, I.Q.

Remember, more blacks, more crime; less blacks, less crime.

Katrina's Ultimate Secret: The Coup d’état Attempt at the Superdome

August 31, 2005.

One of the most suppressed moments of the entire Hurricane Katrina saga occurs in New Orleans. In fact, the only person to write about this episode has been the much maligned (correctly) mayor of the city at the time, Ray Nagin.

Apparently, no one read his 2011 book Katrina's Secrets: Storms After the Storm.

Admits a coup nearly happened on 8-31-05 at the Superdome

Paul Kersey did.

Besides refusing to admit any culpability in how his administration handled the collapse of law and order in New Orleans, the most interesting admission in Katrina's Secrets is an incident that happens at the Superdome.

You know, the same venue where 25,000-35,000 black people (and an unfortunate few European tourists) gathered to seek refuge as the storm hit, with conditions not exactly different than those found at their government-backed, public-housing dwellings.

So, back to August 31, 2005. Here's what Nagin writes about one of the more suppressed moments of the entire saga:

Back at the Superdome, things had descended to being on the verge of blowing into a full-scale riot. Our director health and his top assistant, who were administering medical help to the sick, were tipped off by several patients that a plot had been developed to overpower the National Guardsmen and take their weapons. From there they planned to take hostages, gain full control of the Superdome, and then storm the Hyatt Hotel (the New Orleans city government set up a temporary base of operations there). They wanted control of their own destinies. These conspirators also mistakenly thought that that were in fact more buses already in the city that were first evacuating other areas, in the affluent parts of town.

FEMA’s broken promises had now become ours as well as the people’s disappointment and anger was also pointed toward us. With only 300 National Guard troops at the Superdome and a handful of police officers, a coup d’état could be successful as the sheer number of people in the Superdome gave them an overwhelming advantage. It our limited security force was defeated, then a simple push through the barricades on the crosswalk form the Superdome through a set of doors would give them access to the third floor of the Hyatt hotel. From there, our command center was only one flight of stairs up, on the fourth floor.

The patients also revealed to Dr. Stephens that the gang had placed special markings on their caps so they could quickly and easily distinguish who was on their team when the chaos started. With this insider information of how organized this group was, we immediately alerted our entire security group on the plan.

It was now the middle of the day on Wednesday, and the sun was absolutely brutal. It felt like it was at least 110 degrees with 100 percent humidity. The Superdome crowd was excessively restless. Drinking water was very scarce, and most people used old newspaper, cardboard, or food wrappers as fans or shades for their heads.

All of a sudden, without warning, a gunshot went off in a lower parking lot area of the Superdome. We had been altered that a diversion of some sort would start everything and as everyone was distracted then the overpowering of the National Guardsmen would occur. Chief [Eddie] Compass immediately ran into the command center and yell, “Mr. Mayor, there has been an incident at the Superdome, and we have to leave right now!” Since the elevators were not working, we all ran up 23 flights of stairs to the 27^th floor where our rooms were. Everyone moved instinctively as we had no time to think about anything but getting out of danger.

As I sat on the sofa catching my breath and rubbing my swollen knee, Chief Compass gave me the latest on the rebel plan. A National Guard member had been shot in the leg, and there was still a struggle to get the situation under control. We would later learn that the attempted takeover failed as our National Guardsmen and NOPD officers were able to protect each other from being overpowered. The tips we had gotten probably allowed us to save lives and maintain control. (p. 157-158)

 Have you ever encountered this story before?

No.

Of course not. It doesn't fit the narrative of Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans, where the victims were those 25,000 - 35,000 black people stranded at the Superdome.

What is state power? The legal monopoly on violence

In reality, the state (led by elected officials like Mayor Nagin and his incompetent, affirmative action chief of police Eddie Compass) lost its legal monopoly on violence.

Anarchy won, with looting, violence and disorder becoming the order of the day in New Orleans (not much has changed). 

It's important to remember what happened next [Police Begin Seizing Guns of Civilians, New York Times, 9-9-13]:

NEW ORLEANS, Sept. 8 - Local police officers began confiscating weapons from civilians in preparation for a forced evacuation of the last holdouts still living here, as President Bush steeled the nation for the grisly scenes of recovering the dead that will unfold in coming days.

A shoe without a foot. A doll without a child. The waters that had engulfed this stretch of St. Claude Avenue in New Orleans were finally gone on Wednesday, and the painful secrets they had covered up were coming to light.

Police officers and federal law enforcement agents scoured the city carrying assault rifles seeking residents who have holed up to avoid forcible eviction, as well as those who are still considering evacuating voluntarily to escape the city's putrid waters.

"Individuals are at risk of dying," said P. Edwin Compass III, the superintendent of the New Orleans police. "There's nothing more important than the preservation of human life."

Although it appeared Wednesday night that forced evacuations were beginning, on Thursday the authorities were still looking for those willing to leave voluntarily. The police said that the search was about 80 percent done, and that afterward they would begin enforcing Mayor C. Ray Nagin's order to remove residents by force.

Mr. Compass, the police superintendent, said that after a week of near anarchy in the city, no civilians in New Orleans will be allowed to carry pistols, shotguns, or other firearms of any kind. "Only law enforcement are allowed to have weapons," he said.

That order apparently does not apply to the hundreds of security guards whom businesses and some wealthy individuals have hired to protect their property. The guards, who are civilians working for private security firms like Blackwater, are openly carrying M-16s and other assault rifles.

Mr. Compass said that he was aware of the private guards but that the police had no plans to make them give up their weapons.

New Orleans has turned into an armed camp, patrolled by thousands of local, state, and federal law enforcement officers, as well as National Guard troops and active-duty soldiers. While armed looters roamed unchecked last week, the city is now calm.

These stories should help put an exclamation point upon the story from September 2, 2005 in the Army Times stating Troops begin combat operations in New Orleans.

Combat operations should be brought back to New Orleans, where the black community (thankfully, its demographic vice on the city has ended) continues to show it cares little for the rule of law -- the rule of the white man's law -- in the Crescent City. [Many murders rooted in revenge, drugs, New Orleans Times-Picayune, June 2, 2007]:

So far, prosecutors have successfully prosecuted just one of the 162 homicides committed last year, convicting a man of killing his lover. A second trial, also a more easily prosecuted domestic killing, ended in an acquittal. 

Those domestic cases represent the exception rather than the norm, in which most murders stem from drug trafficking and other criminal endeavors in poor, predominantly African-American communities, along with what one expert called "respect beefs" over wounded pride of the kind once settled with fists.

More than 80 percent of the 162 murder victims last year were black men. More than half of all victims were black men younger than 30, and 29 percent were teenagers. In comparison, 10 white men were killed last year, along with four Hispanic men and three Asian men.

Women, nine black victims and three white victims, comprised just 7 percent of last year's murder victims.

All but five of the 58 suspects police arrested were black men, typically young black men. Overall, police have "cleared" 43 percent of last year's murders, a rate in keeping with the department's historic record. Police consider a case solved when they make an arrest, issue a warrant for a suspect still at large or close a case "by exception," meaning the suspect died, often killed in apparent retaliation for another murder.

Moral of the stories, from Nagin's admission of a coup at the Superdome to the breakdown of the fear of law the black community has in Post-Katrina New Orleans?

State power is all that matters.

The legal monopoly on violence is all that matters.

Yes, state power today (Black-Run America) is concentrated in the hands of those who would disarm white America and redistribute our wealth to perpetuate dysgenic welfare programs.

It won't always be that way.

The legal monopoly on violence is all that matters.