|Okay... remove police (the state) from the black community and instantly the true nature of black people will reassert its self .. it happened in Cincinnati in 2001, it will happen again|
During the riots and their aftermath, Fangman was the leader who would not back down. He went on national news networks to debate national civil rights leaders the Rev. Al Sharpton and national NAACP President Kweise Mfumi. And while those critics of Cincinnati and its cops often spread exaggerations and misinformation, Fangman more than held his own in the talk-show rodeo.
His arguments could have been lifted directly from [FOP President Elmer] Dunaway more than 20 years earlier: Yes, black men are getting shot for resisting arrest and assaulting cops – but what about all the cops who have been killed by black men in Cincinnati? What about the crime?During the riots, Fangman was deplored like Dunaway for pointing out that 90 percent of the violent crime, 95 percent of assaults on cops, 93 percent of murders and 90 percent of rapes were committed by less than 40 percent of the city population – black males. That upset Cincinnati’s business and political leaders.“I was told, ‘Shhhh, Keith. Be quiet.’ I was under a lot of pressure. I said you can go to hell. I was not elected to sugarcoat the truth or play footsies with police critics.” (Behind the Lines: the Untold Story of the Cincinnati Riots, p. 123-124)
Officer Adam Hennie pulled over in his patrol car earlier this week to try to break up an argument between two black women shouting profanities at each other. He could feel the hostility toward him from others in the neighborhood.
“Several of the people asked me why I was hassling” the woman who was taking most of the abuse, the 27-year-old white officer said. “They didn’t even know that I was trying to help her. It’s something they automatically assume.”
Hennie said he doesn’t get out of his cruiser as much anymore, and neither do many other officers.
In the three months since the police slaying of a black man touched off riots here, violence has surged and arrests are down in Cincinnati’s poor, mostly black neighborhoods because police are holding back for fear of being accused of racism, the police union said.
“Officers are now hesitant to take enforcement action, particularly with black suspects, for fear of being labeled a racist or a racial profiler,” said union President Keith Fangman.
Since April, Cincinnati had 60 shootings in which 78 people were wounded, compared with nine shootings and 11 victims in the same period a year ago, according to the union. Arrests are down 50 percent, Fangman said.About 75 percent of the shootings have occurred in Over-the-Rhine, the neighborhood that erupted in April, with the rest in other predominately black, lower-income sections, Fangman said. He said only one of the shootings victims was white and all of the assailants were black.
“What we are witnessing is an epidemic of black-on-black violence which continues to grow,” Fangman said.
Critics said the police are now engaging in an unethical – if not illegal – slowdown in this city where blacks make up 43 percent of its 331,000 residents.
Kenneth Lawson, the inflammatory anti-police attorney, explained that the beatings of whites provided their recipients a lesson in what the “brothers” experience daily from the police, and that presumably the white establishment would take notice.The Los Angeles Times oozed: “While no one wants to say that the riots were good, there was on Friday an undeniable sense of relief that the mayhem had laid bare Cincinnati’s fissures. Now, perhaps, there could be progress.”Try telling Chris Schoonover how useful rioting is. Schoonover is part of a still-small movement of white residents and business owners back into Over-the-Rhine. On the first day of violence, as she was driving back to her apartment, a brick flew through the car’s open window and struck her. “Man, you hit her in the head!” one brick thrower admiringly exclaimed to his buddy. At the hospital, Schoonover recognized an acquaintance among the dozens of bloodied people waiting for care: a rioter had jumped into her acquaintance’s car and beaten her viciously with a brick.
Since the attack, which left five staples in her scalp, Schoonover’s world has changed completely. Once exquisitely sensitive to racial political correctness, she now sees the world in black and white. For days after the attack she was terrified to return to her largely black neighborhood and university. The sight of white girls jogging alone filled her with dread that they would be attacked by a black person. (p. 73-75)
But while the media, politicians, lawyers, protesters, judges and local leaders were busy blaming the cops, the cops backed off and the killing of young black men by young black men exploded. After the riots it spread like a plague through the same neighborhoods where gangs in drooping prisoner pants and Jesse James bandanas burned shop and smashed windows with rocks, bricks and bullets.The homicide rate skyrocketed. By 2002, it had hit 64, breaking a 15-year record, 60 percent higher than the pre-riot year 2000. By 2003, homicides were off the chart at 75. By 2005, the city had 79 homicides.A city that averaged about 8 shootings a year before the riots averaged more than 350 a year by 2005. “It’s not unusual to see five a night,” said Dr. Jay Johannigman, director of the University Hospital Trauma Unit. I’ve been to Iraq twice. And I come home to my own community, and some nights I see more violence in my own hometown.”In 485 BC, a city in peril turned to Cincinnatus for rescue. In 2001, his namesake city Cincinnati chose appeasement and turned its back on its own citizen-soldiers, the cops who were the city’s only hope. The legacy of that decision is measured in collapsing population, boarded up businesses and the blood of hundreds of young black men killed in drug wars.Other cities should hope and pray that Cincinnati is the last to make that mistake. (p. 146-147)