This website will serve to educate the general public on Black people and the Stuff That Black People Don't Like. Black people have many interesting eccentricities, which include disliking a litany of everyday events, places, household objects and other aspects of their everyday life.
Black people are an interesting subject matter and this website will chronicle the many problems in life that agitate this group of people.
To suggest material, please contact sbpdl1@gmail.com
We already know that Stuff Black People Don't Like includes Unprepared Kool-Aid (#48). Now, in 90 percent Black Detroit, two Black friends have answered that burning question of "who makes a better glass of Kool-Aid" by reaching for their guns in the first documented case of a 'Kool-Aid Standoff'.
90 percent Black Detroit and Kool-Aid: What could go wrong?
DETROIT (WJBK) - Witnesses say two men in the Brightmoor neighborhood were so passionate about the way they make Kool-Aid, they started arguing with each other over who does it better.
Sadly, that fight took a horrifying turn when they both pulled out guns and started firing at each other. Again, this was over Kool-Aid.
They didn't hit each other, but two innocent bystanders suffered gunshot wounds in the soft drink shooting. Police call it utterly ridiculous, but they've seen worse. Fox 2's Andrea Isom has the story.
This is all a dream, isn't it? A comedian or script writer trying to come up with the most perverse Black stereotypes to create a joke or scene in an absurd film couldn't conjure up a story like the one Andrea Isom broke for MyFoxDetroit.
90 percent Black Detroit... they shouldn't put sterilants in the water there (as Detroit News writer Nolan Finley suggested); the Water Authority should pump packages of Kool-Aid into the water supply.
Maybe then Black people would stop killing one another and making Detroit the most violent and unsafe city in America.
What can be said of the events that were chronicled last year at SBPDL, which clearly illustrate more than just random occurrences (as Lawrence Auster notes).
The first pick for the SBPDL Book Club
Black Pack Attack violence against primarily white people (most of the time individual whites, though increasingly Asians are being targeted as well); a media refusing to acknowledge anything; a political class dedicated to enacting laws that protect those who partake in Black Pack Attacks and promote those who cover for Organized Blackness in every level of society (all three branches of government, academic, military, corporate, and both private and public sectors jobs).
Since Barack Obama was inaugurated as the first Black President of the United States (POTUS), the belief "that this is a Black world!" has taken hold. It would difficult to argue against the existence of Death Angels still operating in the United States, when you consider that virtually no white-on-Black attacks are occurring in America.
PK Note: Yeah, this story is a few days old. So what? It's hilarious, and cuts to the heart of why universal suffrage and democracy are headed for the ash heap of history.
Odds are good: She's on EBT/Food Stamps
For those who served in the armed forces - or who still serve - remember that 26-year-old Lonneshia Shafaye Appling represents, no, epitomizes, all that you defend. She is the pure embodiment of freedom and the story of her one-woman war with Piggly Wiggly in Athens says more about the sacrifices of tens of millions of soldiers than any victory in any war America has ever waged. Courtesy of the Athens Banner Herald:
A woman who punched and pepper-sprayed employees who caught her shoplifting at the Lexington Road Piggly Wiggly last week also spat on one of the workers and claimed she had HIV.
She asked the arresting officer to write his report in a way that is would be “more interesting so that her arrest would make the police blotter” in the local newspaper.
Those are among details of last Wednesday’s assault included in a police report that wasn’t publicly available until Friday.
Additionally, 26-year-old Lonneshia Shafaye Appling challenged officers to charge her with as many crimes as possible because she claimed she’d get a plea bargain in which half the charges would be dropped, according to the report.
Appling is a career shoplifter, and at the time of her arrest was wanted for thefts in Athens-Clarke, Oconee and Fulton counties, police said.
She wreaked havoc inside Piggly Wiggly last week after a customer saw her hide items in a large canvas bad in her shopping cart, then pay for just one item at the checkout counter, police said.
The customer alerted an employee, who tried to stop Appling at the exit, police said.
That’s when the woman pulled out a can of pepper spray and shot a burst of the blinding mist into the employee’s face, police said.
When other employees tried to help, Appling dispersed the spray all around her then ran out a side door, according to police.
As employees closed the distance between the 340-pound woman outside, they saw her dropping cans of beer she’d hidden in her purse, police said. As they followed her, Appling punched one of the workers, then spit in his face.
She also offered the employees money if they would stop following her, according to police.
The employees still were following Appling as police arrived. The officers found that in addition to the cans of Coors Light, the woman tried to steal vegetable oil, five packs of cheese, five packs of bacon and two packs of chicken wings, police said.
Appling, of 115 Sena Drive, was charged with felony theft by shoplifting not because of the value of the items she tried to steal — $88.27 — but because she had more than three previous shoplifting convictions, police said.
At the Clarke County Jail, and as officers figured the various charges she would be booked on, Appling spoke about the plea bargain she’d get in court and mentioned she was mentally ill, a claim officers didn’t buy, according to the police report.
“She seemed to know what was going on,” Senior Police Officer Nate Franco wrote in his report.
Appling “also commented that store personnel shouldn’t chase people like that because they could get themselves hurt,” the officer wrote.
Franco knew that one charge on Appling would be aggravated assault because of the blast of pepper spray she gave to the Piggly Wiggly employee’s face.
“From personal experience, I know that pepper spray has the ability to completely incapacitate a person,” the officer wrote in his report. “Being pepper-sprayed is the most pain I have ever felt in my life, and I consider it a violent assault.”
Franco wrote that he needed to confirm Appling’s claims she had the AIDS virus because “additional charges could be added based on her having HIV and spitting on another.”
Appling has a flair for the spectacular, as evidenced by a performance she gave when arrested in January for shoplifting at an Ingles in Madison County.
The Madison County Journal reported that when the officer tried to take Appling into custody, she began taking her clothes off and told the officer to lick her because she had AIDS.
As the officer struggled to cuff the large woman, the Journal reported, Appling continued to strip until she was completely naked. She broke free from the officer, who subdued her with a Taser.
For the Piggly Wiggly incident, in addition to felony shoplifting and aggravated assault, Appling was charged with simple battery, disorderly conduct and obstruction of a law enforcement officer.
She was still held without bail as of Monday evening.
On Memorial Day 2012, this story made me smile. Freedom Failed.
The former is a book that documents the absolute failures of the post-Civil Rights movement, and yet the thesis of the book is that we must work even harder to bring about full integration (despite the quadrillions of dollars - in both real capital and opportunity costs - wasted in the process).
The latter deals with the Black Muslim war on white people (the infamous Zebra killings that happened in San Francisco -- and throughout California - in the early 1970s, where Black Muslims attempted to earn their "Death Angel" status by killing white women, men, and children).
Jacoby's book touches upon the Atlanta Child Murders of the early 1980s (one of the more sensational moments in American history), where Black children were being abducted and turning up dead. Turns out, a Black man named Wayne Williams was committing the murders -- a Black serial killer of Black children.
The media hysteria over this event -- the New York Times devoted daily coverage to the story, while Black and white entertainers and elected officials alike united, promising every resource to bring the serial killer to justice -- was only rivaled by the OJ Simpson case almost a score later.
The Zebra killings? The news of this event was confined largely to San Francisco and the state of California.
It is on p.375 of Jacoby's defense of the failure of the Civil Right's movement legacy (if we keep clapping our hands, it might work out!) that we learn this:
By the time police zeroed in on black suspect Wayne Williams in June 1981, it has been the nation's biggest and most sophisticated homicide manhunt. The clues that led to Williams were anything but vague: he was stopped for questioning just moments after he threw the boy of his last victim into the Chattahoochee River. But even William's trial - and his conviction by a largely black jury - had little effect on the deepest levels of black paranoia. Once it turned out that the suspect was not white, black interest in the case visibly plummeted. Journalists covering the trial filled their stories with praise for the city's racial calm, but wondered among themselves why so few blacks seemed interested in attending. The south side parents' group maintained throughout the trial that the "fat boy" mayor [the corpulent Maynard Jackson] and his white supporters were using Williams as a scapegoat, covering up for the real, white killer. Instead of rejoicing at the cessation of the murders - and the did stop the day Williams was apprehended - many blacks across the country seemed angry or defeated. "They win," one Atlantan told James Baldwin, meaning whites. "They got us."
A reporter who visited south side housing projects on the day of the verdict could find almost no on e who felt that justice had been done, not even on a block that had lost three children. "I don't believe he's guilty," said the sister of one victim."
It should be known that south Atlanta (South Fulton County) is almost 95 percent Black, and relies on the redistribution of wealth from largely white tax payers in North Fulton County to, well, subsist.
After 179 days, and 23 victims, the police in San Francisco finally decided to get tough. It was known that the people committing the murders (15 whites were dead, eight seriously injured) were Black. Mayor Joseph Alito said, "Police will begin stopping large numbers of black citizens throughout the city for questioning in the search for a suspect in the wave of random street killings... we are going to be stopping people who resemble these sketches and descriptions - which means we're going to be stopping a lot people."
The ACLU, NAACP, and other progressive groups protested, as the NAACP sought an injunction with the courts to stop this police tactic because it threatened "constitutional guarantees of personal freedom."
But is on p. 345 of Howard's book that we learn this (after five days of the crackdown):
By the weekend, more than five hundred young black men had been stopped and searched by the Zebra units partolling (sic) the streets of San Francisco at night. The operation had turned up no leads to the Zebra killer - but it had reduced major crimes in the city by nearly a third. Major crimes - homicide, rape, robbery, aggravated assault, burglary, larceny over fifty dollars, and auto theft - had been cut back 30.7 percent. Because of saturation by police officers in the large areas considered primary Zebra operation sectors, which comprised some five hundred city blocks, many crimes which might have been committed, were not.
Despite the drop in the general crime index, however, the stop-and-search operation was continuing to generate criticism and protests throughout the city. The NAACP suit filed in federal court... Dr. Carlton Goodlett, publisher of the small Sun Reporter newspaper, said that Mayor Alioto had begun a "drive against the black people of the community."
Never mind that major crime was dropping (most of which was perpetrated by Blacks, who preyed upon the Black community) in San Francisco; Never mind that Black people had their children targeted by a Black serial killer, which didn't fit their preconceived notions of justice in the case of Wayne Williams.
The lessons from these two anecdotes are, moving forward, important to consider.
You want to stop crime in America? Create a police state that profiles and targets Black people - law abiding or not.
More importantly, despite all evidence to the contrary, Black people will always defend Black people, even if it is a Black person who preyed upon the Black community -- killing their sons and daughters.
It will never end. No matter how many concessions one makes; no matter how many attempts to rectify racial inequities from the past (largely made-up or exaggerated); there will always be an “And Then?”
A coalition of civil rights and attorney groups says African-American judges are being replaced by white appointees in one of Georgia's most heavily populated black counties and called Thursday for Georgia's governor to fill vacancies with judges who reflect their communities' diversity.
The coalition, led by the Rev. Joseph Lowery, said black representation on the bench has decreased from 44 percent in 2002 to 30 percent. They say every African-American judge who has resigned or retired from Fulton County Superior Court replaced by gubernatorial appointment since 2002 has been replaced by a white appointee.
Fulton County is 44 percent African-American, according to the latest Census figures.
"We need fairness," said Lowery, head of the Georgia Coalition for the People's Agenda, as he stood on the steps of the courthouse. "Do the right thing. We're not here to ask them for favors. We're asking them for justice."
Fairness? What percentage of Fulton County public employees is non-Black? Does anyone have that information? What about City of Atlanta public employees? MARTA? Are these numbers available? What about employees over at Hartsfield-Jackson International Airport?
It wouldn’t be surprising to learn that of the aforementioned public entities, 75 percent or more of the employees of each are Black.
Fairness. These words only apply to Black people in Black-Run America (BRA). Just look at this article from Ebony in 1989, written by Renee Turner:
AIR travelers to Atlanta witness a spectacle that bolsters the city's image as the jewel of the New South and a showcase of Black achievement. Airplanes fly over fields of emerald pines that encircle a bustling metropolis run by Black politicians. They glide over some of the $300,000 homes of the Black elite, and land on runways built by Black firms before depositing passengers at a high-tech airport that some call America's greatest monument to affirmative action.
A quarter-century after the signing of the Civil Rights Act, the city that was the setting for Margaret Mitchell's famed Civil War novel, Gone With The Wind, is a city that the book's heroine, Scarlett O'Hara, would not recognize. Gone with the winds of change are the Jim Crow-era "Whites Only" signs, segregated lunch counters, and laws that prevented Blacks from voting.
Today, Atlanta is the benchmark of Black political and economic success--a mecca for Blacks seeking and often finding fulfillment of the American dream. Blacks and Whites exercise and network at the Downtown Athletic Club. Everything from T-shirts to coffee mugs bearing the logo of Underground Atlanta, the city's new downtown $142 million retail and entertainment attraction, are produced by a Black-owned firm, the Logo Depot. The city of nearly a half-million people is run by its second Black mayor. In fact, African-Americans, who comprise almost 70 percent of the city's residents, hold the majority of city council and county commission seats.
Fairness.
How many of those glittering homes that belong to a manufactured Black elite – all due to the pernicious machinations of radical affirmative action – are now in foreclosure? Judging by the fact that a Section 8 Riot erupted in South Fulton County when 30,000 Black people overwhelmed an event to sign forms for housing vouchers that won’t be valid for years, it should be obvious that the Black Mecca is more like… Africa.
With great power, comes great responsibility, right? In the PBS Documentary Eyes on the Prize, there is an episode called Keys to the Kingdom that profiles Mayor Jackson and what happened in Atlanta after his election in 1973. Political power, in his eyes, was about redistributing wealth – and jobs – to his community, in a move that would benefit Black people and Black people alone:
First of all, start with exaggerated black expectations, that overnight Valhalla will be found, heaven will come on earth and it's all because the black mayor's been elected. And things just don't work that way. The obligation that I felt was to try with everything in my power and every legal and ethical way that I could to move things as quickly as possible in that direction.
To Black people, the only responsibility of government –and elected officials – is how will your actions improve my life? More importantly, every action, every bill, and every legal decision must be made to improve the quality of life of Black people only, even if it is to detriment of white people (and increasingly, a non-white, non-Black population).
The Blacks have abused the power that Connected Capitalism ceded to them in 1973. Atlanta is on threshold of a battle that will forever alter the landscape of America, if the predominately white North Fulton cites of Sandy Springs, Milton, Johns Creek, Chattahoochee Hills, and Dunwoody (potentially even Buckhead) were to push for secession, instantly predominately Black South Fulton turns into Detroit.
Overnight. The ability to create a Black middle class – based on redistributing wealth to Blacks via public jobs and contracts that stipulate unfair quotas toward Black firms – would end.
You see, in Detroit, white people fled Wayne County. Though many white people fled to other metro Atlanta counties, enough wealth stayed in Fulton County since 1973 to keep the whole unfair system chugging along.
But now, that is ending. The Atlanta Journal Constitution reported this on May 17; House GOP leader: ‘My goal is to end Fulton County’:
When the Legislature passed new maps for the state House and Senate last year, Republicans gave themselves extra slices of certain counties.
Earlier this month, House Speaker pro tem Jan Jones of Milton bluntly explained the merits of the tactic to a group of north Fulton voters. From Neighbor Newspapers:
In January, according to Jones, there will be a north Fulton majority in both the House delegation and the Senate delegation.
Which means, “we can cut Fulton County down to size until we get Milton County,” she said.
“My goal is that we reduce the thumbprint … of Fulton County on your lives and your pocketbooks such that in a very few years, Atlanta and south Fulton will not fight us on recreating Milton County because Fulton County will be insignificant,” she said. “We will begin that process next year.”
Jones said she actually thinks splitting Fulton into three counties would be in the best interest of all citizens.
“My goal is not to re-create Milton County. My goal is to end Fulton County and bring government closer to the people,” she said. “But it will take convincing.”
Jones’ comments, reported last week, are only now circulating within the city of Atlanta. They explain the motives behind HB 1052, which would have given the power to appoint two of three Fulton County representatives on the MARTA board to municipalities in north Fulton, said state Rep. Rashad Taylor, D-Atlanta.
This means the end of Actual Black Run America (ABRA) Fulton County and Atlanta.
It was in a discussion on a proposed MARTA Bill that we begin to learn that when given great power, The Blacks will do everything possible to keep it:
Vice Chair Emma Darnell said the bill would disenfranchise the Southside. She also brought up the forming of new north Fulton cities, which she called "segregation based upon race and income."
Since 2005, three communities north of Atlanta voted to incorporate, a backlash against a perception of lackluster services and poor representation by the county government. One effect has been a higher tax rate on unincorporated south Fulton, the only area still under direct county governance.
"In my district, from Bankhead to Buckhead, we have no intention of going back [to segregation]," Darnell said. "There's too much blood back there."
There is a lot of Blood in South Fulton, but it isn’t from the era of Jim Crow and segregation. Just read this piece from Jim Goad at Takimag called Blight of the Living Dead.
South Fulton is one of the most violent places in America. Consequently, it’s almost all Black.
For too long white people in America have been told to know their role and shut their mouth. Pay taxes that go directly to fund the proliferation of a people whose only contribution to Atlanta (and America) has been crime, increased poverty, and the degradation of formerly great cities like Memphis, Birmingham, Baltimore, and Detroit.
Now, rumblings are being heard in The City too Busy to Hate. A fissure is developing of catastrophic potential.
With great power came the belief that the Blacks would forever play the race card and never expect “blowback” for race-based policies that require high taxation of the private sector (white people) to pay for an almost all-Black public sector.
With great power, comes great responsibility.
The Blacks have reneged on this in Atlanta. Though it might not seem that obvious yet, the coming political war in Fulton County is the start of a series of clashes around the nation, as white people begin to slowly understand the burden of high taxation goes directly to pay for public jobs and services that go toward their dispossession.
It might seem like a tax revolt, but it’s the start of something much more important: the repudiation of whites knowing their role, and keeping their mouths shut.
Gold rushes end once the resource that attracted people to the area has been exhausted. Infrastructure that was quickly built to accommodate the influx of people instantly loses value once the economy that momentarily was based upon intense speculation collapses.
The Black Gold Rush into the Black Mecca has finally dried up
Once all of the gold has been successfully procured during a “rush,” the once booming town brimming with those hoping to strike it rich dies overnight. The primary engine for driving economic activity has ceased to produce, leaving ghost town where prosperity once seemed endless.
Bodie, California represents one of these ghost towns, a city where all economic activity and growth was connected to mining for gold; once the gold was gone, the city died.
The Black Mecca of Atlanta has represented a Black “gold rush” since 1973, when Maynard Jackson was elected mayor of the city and implemented massive affirmative action policies to enrich Black entrepreneurs who were required – by city law- to get 35 percent of city contracts.
It was Mayor Jackson, who in an article for Ebony published in December 1980 (The Airport that Maynard Built: Blacks reap bonanza at world’s biggest airport, by Bill Berry) bragged that he held a figurative gun to the white business community over the exclusion of Black involvement with the construction of what would become the world’s busiest airport:
So when Mayor Maynard Jackson had the audacity to insist that he would let crab grass grow on the site selected for the airport unless Blacks were given a “fair” share of the mammoth project, some of his critics began to wonder if he were in control of himself.
“You know, I never said anything publicly, but I thought Mayor Jackson was asking for too much,” confesses one Black Atlanta businessman who eventually reaped nearly $1 million from the airport project because of the mayor’s refusal to back down. “I mean, here Maynard was telling these white people – I mean, big industries and financial giants like Hertz and the airlines – that if Blacks didn’t get at least 25 percent of the action, there would be no airport, or they (the big businesses) would not be permitted to be a part of it. Let’s face it, you hear about affirmative action and all that stuff, but whoever heard of it working? Who ever heard of anyone trying to make it work? I was prepared to settle for whatever I could get, to make about $60,000 or $70,000, but thanks to the mayor I ended up with much more.”
(Mayor Jackson. “The word minority should not mean women. Women are an oppressed group, but they are not a minority; they are over 51 percent of the population. Minorities and women, as separate oppressed groups, must have affirmative action. But the word minority, by definition, design and inclination, cannot include White women. When I insisted on minority participation, I meant the inclusion of Afro-Americans. And I wasn’t talking about excluding anyone; my objective was to include everyone because it’s the right thing to do.”
Not exactly free, uninihibted markets? Government manipulation of the bidding process to ensure equality instead favored Black businesses owners and minority-majority owned firms started with the construction of Hartsfield International Airport, but in continued in every facet of contracting with the city of Atlanta (and Fulton County).
More to the point, public jobs in Atlanta (both Fulton County, the city of Atlanta, and MARTA) became almost entirely Black, with every department funded by tax-dollars headed and staffed – from the water board, sanitation, the courts, and voting boards – by Black people.
Whites need not apply for these jobs – or other non-Blacks – as a vice, a stranglehold has been placed upon public employment in the Black Mecca, the surest way to create a semblance of a Black middle class (just look at Prince George’s County for further evidence) in Atlanta.
But it’s all artificial. The wealth of the Black middle class is nothing more than an illusion, manifested by hyper affirmative action in government contracting and a reliance on public employment that the private sector (not even companies like Coca-Cola can employ enough Blacks) can’t replicate.
The Atlanta Paradox, edited by David Sjoquist, reports on p. 204 this about Black reliance on the public sector for employment:
Along with the denial that African Americans exhibit ethnic solidarity, it is popular to deny that the government sector can serve as a valid economic asset for creating business linkages. The public sector is seen as siphoning off black talent that could have gone toward business development or achieved influence in private-sector labor markets. However, first, the public sector clearly has been the source of the greatest accumulation of saving among African Americans which could be invested in business development… African American presence as mayors and significant city administrators was a major factor in increased ability of African American owned businesses to become large enough no longer to be classified as primarily self-employment. The importance oft eh use of municipal political power to engender large-scale stable employment among other American ethnic groups is well documented.
As evidenced by the almost non-existent Black entrepreneurship or small business ownership (economic activity of any legitimate kind) in once thriving Rockdale and Clayton Counties, the Visible Black Hand of Economics is beginning to catch up with The City too busy to Hate.
NPR noted in 2011 that the Black middle class in Atlanta was drying up, with government contracting eroding that Blacks had come to rely on so heavily because the odds were stacked in their favor (as opposed to unencumbered free markets that weren’t manipulated by Black-controlled government to favor Blacks):
Atlanta is a city where civil rights leaders are the namesakes of thoroughfares the way presidents and signers of the Declaration of Independence are in most other cities. There are boulevards named not just for Martin Luther King Jr. and former Atlanta Mayor Andrew Young, but also for civil rights leaders Joseph Lowery and Ralph David Abernathy. Last year, Raymond Street was renamed SNCC Way, after the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee.
But no place in Atlanta embodies the progression from the civil rights movement to political empowerment to economic development quite like the Hartsfield-Jackson Atlanta International Airport. The airport is named after the city's first African-American mayor, Maynard Jackson, who negotiated a unique deal for its construction.
That airport was constructed with a mandate of having at least 25 percent of all of the subcontracting opportunities going to minorities and women," says Thomas "Danny" Boston, a Georgia Tech economist who studies minority businesses. "First time anything like that happened in the country."
It was a kind of New Deal for blacks in Atlanta, and it grew into many other deals, including mandated set-asides for African-American and other minority contractors and subcontractors.
But the deals also made minority business disproportionately dependent on public sector work. Now, the shrinking of the public sector is having a disastrous effect on many African-American business owners, including electrical subcontractor Melvin Griffin.
Griffin's business depended heavily on public contracts for things like installing stoplights with red-light cameras. Now he gets less work and, in turn, he gives less work.
"Employees are down quite a bit," he says. "Right now, I'm only working about three people. Couple guys, I just told them don't worry about calling me because I really got no work for them."
So what do we mean by Black Gold Rush? Blacks have been flocking to the Black Mecca since Mayor Jackson established unprecedented statues that favored Black people in garnering city contracts. The Wall Street Journal reported that this trend has only increased since the dawn of the new millennium.
USA Today reported that the suburban population of metro Atlanta is exploding, fueled by Black migration to the once pure Whitopia’s surrounding The City too Busy to Hate:
Atlanta itself has actually grown whiter in the past decade while its suburbs have gotten blacker, according to Frey's analysis. Atlanta's population in 1990 was 67% black and 30% white; the suburbs were 71% white and 25% African American. By the end of the decade, non-Hispanic whites made up 39% of the city and 53% of the suburbs while blacks were 51% of the city and 31% of the suburbs.
No, the airport Mayor Jackson extorted
What does all of this mean? That the Black Gold Rush is over. Ghost towns are coming to metro Atlanta. The Atlanta Journal Constitution reports that half of metro Atlanta mortgages are now underwater (worth less than what is owed):
More than half of homeowners with a mortgage in metro Atlanta owe more than the house is worth, a new report says.
Their negative equity will slow a real estate recovery as some homeowners who would like to sell and move are "trapped in their homes," because they cannot afford to sell at a loss, said Zillow's chief economist Stan Humphries. It also makes foreclosure more likely if the mortgagee loses a job or hits other economic shocks, he said.
Zillow, the online real estate data and search firm, analyzed 35 million mortgages, including 778,870 in 22 metro Atlanta counties, to conclude 55 percent of mortgages here were in the negative range. That far exceeds the national average of 31 percent. Humphries pointed out that despite the high numbers, only 8 percent of metro Atlantans were delinquent on paying.
Employed homeowners who plan to stay in their homes long-term are not bothered as much by the "paper losses," he said, which makes the situation less dire.
Property valuations are directly tied to the standard of living created and sustained in a community. As metro Atlanta gets Blacker, each community is negatively affected with higher crime rates, business closings, and a drop in the quality of the schools (directly correlated to the majority race of the students enrolled in the school system).
Black property values are significantly less than white (or other race) in Atlanta – and nationwide.
With metro Atlanta getting Blacker – the allure of the Black Mecca and being part of the Black middle class that was 100 percent a manipulation of the free market by Black elected officials and Black cronyism – and property values falling counties that go majority Black (Clayton and DeKalb County), tax revenue begins to drop dramatically, immediately requiring austerity measures to be implemented:
Fiscal 2011, which starts July 1, is already a rotten apple on the teacher’s desk.
The avalanche began when DeKalb County school officials said last month that the system would be short $88 million in its 2011 budget. Since then, so many other shoes have dropped, it’s starting to look like a Rack Room out there.
On Thursday, Cobb County schools said their shortfall would approach $100 million. On Friday, Gwinnett County schools gave the same report: $100 million short. Clayton County said it will be nearly $63 million in the hole; and Atlanta, $47 million. Fulton County has said its shortfall could reach $120 million.
DeKalb now says its gap could hit $115 million. Those systems alone are facing total cuts of more than a half-billion dollars.
Fayette County, Gwinnett, DeKalb, Clayton… as each metro Atlanta county sees an increase in its Black population, the ability for each county to raise tax revenues to pay for teachers and improve infrastructure declines.
The Black Mecca is Underwater. The manipulation of the free market by Black radicals – and by a compliant Connected Capitalism of the Disingenuous White Liberal establishment in Atlanta – has created an unstable system --- a Black Hole from which no matter will be able to escape.
The Gold Rush is over. Ghost towns will now start popping up all over the metro Atlanta area, with Black people unable to create or sustain any of the local economies they take over as white residents flee the encroaching Black Undertow.
The white citizens of metro Atlanta have two choices, 1. Move to North Fulton (Alpharetta) and secede from Fulton County and immediately become of the richest counties in all of America - or forever be taxed to support the lecherous South Fulton area of predominately Black residents who reside on tax dollars and public employment to subsist; or, 2. Leave Atlanta and never look back.
Regardless of what choice is made, a substantial part of metro Atlanta will eventually look like Bodie, California (go to Union Station Mall in Union City to see the truth of this statement), a reminder that the free market can’t be manipulated without devastating consequences.
A reminder that the Visible Black Hand of Economics will always appear.
Because policies were enacted that attracted largely Black people (whose labor couldn't demand the same salaries in city's they left) to the Black Mecca to strike it rich - based solely on their race - the whole region is now in serious financial trouble. Atlanta was overwhelmed. The burden of employment of these Black people fell directly on the sustaining of Affirmative Action policies that run counter the laws of economics.
Black Mecca Down: The Fall of The City too Busy to Hate is upon us.
One year ago, the Black Intifada of Memorial Day 2011 was unleashed on the nation. Read about it here.
Chicago: Beaches were closed due to Black violence, though your elected city officials blamed the threat of "heat exhaustion" instead of directing any blame toward Black Pack Attacks.
Boston: A scene out of George Romero's nightmares was unleashed on beach-goers as zombie hordes roving bands of Black People participated in Mahogany Mobs attacks that required SWAT teams to disperse.
For more, just read Jim Goad's column from Takimag on the Memorial Day festivities of 2011. It was this weekend that ushered in a new era of reporting when it comes to discussing the Black Intifada (Lawrence Auster's perfect term) unfolding across the nation.
Whenever Black people gather together, prospects for trouble will exponentially rise with each addition made (regardless of the sex of the Black person) to the group. Events will be marred with violence, property damage, theft, random shootings, sexual assaults, and a disgruntled business community.
Just ask Atlanta about Freaknic (Freaknik); Myrtle Beach about Black Bike Week; Philadelphia about Greek Picnic; Indianapolis about the Indiana Black Expo; well, you get the picture. You ever wonder why the all-Black sections of a city lack any businesses or economic activity (save the Black market of the drug dealer and prostitution)?
Just look at the behavior of Black people during the events (many cancelled) described above and the resources that must be dedicated (police, extra-security at businesses to guard against theft, etc.) to ensure that some form of peace is maintained. Now you understand why Tybee Island wants to rid itself of Orange Crush.
Now you understand why Baltimore's Inner Harbor downtown area is implementing major security upgrades, just to keep businesses located there from closing up shop (thereby depriving the city of desperately needed tax revenue and the only form of nightlife/entertainment left of law-abiding patrons of the Baltimore) and fleeing from what can only be described as "average Black behavior."
A reported arrest quota for Memorial Day weekend is causing anger and concern among community activists and union officers in Miami Beach.
Rumors of the quota, which allegedly calls for 2,000 people to be arrested over the holiday weekend, first came to light in an email complaint from the officers' union. In that email, the union called the quota "aggressive, patently unfair, and unjust."
Police Chief Raymond Martinez has denied the reports, saying in an email to Local 10, "I want to be clear, there is no arrest quota for Memorial Day weekend or any other day on Miami Beach."
But the ACLU is also concerned, especially when it comes to protecting civil rights.
"This is a big mistake they're making," said ACLU attorney Howard Simon. "Their goal should be zero arrests, not two thousand arrests. If police are going to use arrests not as a last resort, but as a first resort they're going to make the situation worse."
They also said police need to use "professional training" to diffuse situations rather than arrest party-goers as a first response.
This policy should be enacted in every major city with a Black population of more than five percent of the total population. For every day, especially the weekends. Especially holidays.
Draconian actions like "curfews" (normally only needed for times of war or when Martial Law is declared, but standard operating procedure for a city besieged by Black violence) would no longer be necessary; businesses would no longer be fearful of losing profits or investing in an "urban" entertainment district knowing that the state had their best interests at heart, instead of protecting Mahogany Mobbers.
History is unfolding before our eyes. The paradigm is shifting, one WorldStarHipHop (WSHH) video at a time -- all willingly uploaded by the Black person engaged in the Flash Mob, random assault, or participant in "average Black behavior."
Memorial Day Weekend... did the veterans who fought in America's wars serve and their comrades really die so that freedom could be transferred to a population who remade Detroit in their image? So that entertainment districts could be shut down because the state won't protect legitimate businesses (and the consumers who will keep these restaurants and shops open so they can collect revenue that in turn is taxed to support the city's ability to employ public servants, pay into pension funds, and improve infrastructure) from the threat of Black people engaging in "average Black behavior."
You don't base social policy on individuals. You might know a Black person who doesn't engage in "average Black behavior." Unfortunately, cities like Baltimore, Memphis, Kansas City, Atlanta, Birmingham, Detroit, Peoria, Akron, Cleveland, St. Louis, New Orleans, Miami, Nashville, Milwaukee, and Chicago have too many who do.
And it's this type of behavior that the white residents of the suburbs surrounding these cities know all to well (which is why they moved to Whitopia's in the first place).
The United States Department of Homeland Security might have retired the color-coded threat level, but we haven't: Memorial Day Weekend 2012 is a threat level Black for the entire nation.
Cities like Miami, Atlanta, Charlotte, Baltimore, Milwaukee, St. Louis, Chicago, Mobile, Savannah, Cleveland, Tulsa, Dallas, Philadelphia, Tampa, Orlando, New Orleans, and Boston are on extremely high alerts.
Norfolk would be warned, but the media there wouldn't report on it if it happened.
Memorial Day 2012: what did all those veterans die defending again?
It tells the story of a biracial gathering of Atlanta’s civic and religious leaders to honor Martin Luther King’s receiving of the Nobel Peace Prize. To be held in late January 1965, Coke patriarch Robert Woodruff “politely persuaded” Atlanta’s white business community to attend the event, for the event would have represented a “worldwide embarrassment for Coca-Cola and for Atlanta” had they no-showed:
The night of the dinner, King delivered to a standing-room only, integrated audience what would become one of his most famous quotes: “If people of good will of the white South fail to act now, history will have to record that the greatest tragedy of this period of social transition was not the vitriolic words and then the violent actions of the bad people but the appalling silence of and indifference of the good people.”
All segments of Atlanta society were there: churches and synagogues, government, private universities and business, all working together, as [Sam] Massell (Atlanta’s last white mayor) recalled, for their “mutual interest.” That is Connected Capitalism. (p. 213-215)
Connected Capitalism.
A perfect term for the actions of the Managerial Elite (Disingenuous White Liberals in perfectly tailored suits) who preside over Black-Run America, who no longer have any allegiance to a nation-state (any) that they have so busily deconstructed.
No Mr. King, history will not judge those “people of good will” you excoriated to get on their knees so as to allow Black people to jump on their backs, pocketing the loose change that falls from this noble gesture in the process.
After all, isn’t that what Connected Capitalism is?
We saw what Connected Capitalism was capable of in 1981, when the then stewards of Coca-Cola capitulated to Jesse Jackson (one of MLK’s right-hand men) over a threatened boycott. The late Lewis Grizzard, a columnist for the Atlanta Journal Constitution, wrote these words on the surrender:
When the Rev. Jesse Jackson of Operation PUSH took on Coca-Cola, I figured he had written a check his admittedly considerable power as a black leader couldn’t cash.
You might take on 7Up, but Coke is the big dog in the soft drink market. I fully expected Coke to flip Jesse Jackson off its back with one sweep of its powerful tail.
Either I underestimated Jackson or I overestimated Coca-Cola. The word came the other day that Coke had made a $30 million deal with Jackson to do more business with blacks.
Coke denied that Jackson’s threat to lead a black boycott of its products had anything to do with the deal. “We were going to do this all the time; we’re just no getting to around to it,” said a cokesperson.
Sure.
What Jesse Jackson did was as simple as a liquor-store heist: He blackmailed a huge American company into giving him what he wanted. Meet my demands, or I’ll snap my fingers and my loyal subjects won’t even say the words “Coca-Cola” until I tell them to.
What Jackson did to Coke was essentially the same: Come across, or else.
In the largest settlement ever in a racial discrimination case, the Coca-Cola Company agreed yesterday to pay more than $156 million to resolve a federal lawsuit brought by black employees.
The settlement also mandates that the company make sweeping changes, costing an additional $36 million, and grants broad monitoring powers to a panel of outsiders -- an unusual concession in employment discrimination cases.
The lawsuit, filed in April 1999, accused Coke of erecting a corporate hierarchy in which black employees were clustered at the bottom of the pay scale, averaging $26,000 a year less than white workers. As redress, the settlement provides as many as 2,000 current and former black salaried employees with an average of $40,000 in cash, while the four plaintiffs whose names are on the lawsuit will receive up to $300,000 apiece.
''It sets a new standard for corporate settlements,'' said the Rev. Jesse Jackson, referring to Coke's agreement to tie executives' salaries to how well the company meets its diversity goals. ''The internal cultures of companies have been built on patterns of exclusion based on gender and race. This is a step in the right direction.'' Despite the short-term costs, a negligible amount for a company with about $20 billion in sales last year, Coke officials and plaintiffs' lawyers characterized the settlement as a ''business necessity,'' particularly because minorities in the United States drink a disproportionate share of its sodas.
''This company had a credibility gap between the image that it cultivated with the African-American community on the outside and how African-Americans were treated on the inside,'' said Cyrus Mehri, a plaintiffs' lawyer who negotiated a $140 million cash settlement in a discrimination suit against Texaco in 1996.
While efforts by disgruntled Coke employees in Atlanta to start a boycott never crimped the company's bottom line, the lawsuit has troubled Coke for 18 months and, company officials acknowledge, tarnished the image of one of the world's best-known brands.
History will judge that the greatest tragedy of that period of social transition that Mr. King bemoaned was the capitulation of Connected Capitalism to BRA. Coca-Cola fell in line behind the pied-piper who touted a society where “content of character” mattered above all else; but a society based firmly on the promotion of Blackness was erected in its place.
Well, that, and the promotion of whites to the Managerial Elite who bow in delirious obsequiousness to this objective.
The wasted capital that could have gone to building infrastructure, research and development, cure diseases, and further space exploration instead was diverted to uplift a segment of the American population who remade Detroit into their image.
And Birmingham. And Memphis. And Baltimore. And Cleveland. And New Orleans.
The ecological impact to the continued need to build new suburbs (and infrastructure to support this in terms of roads, sewage facilities, etc.) to escape the ever-widening reach of the Black Hole that is Atlanta is incalculable. The misplaced capital and investments (and opportunity costs) involved in this process fall in the same category.
No Dr. King, it is the appalling silence of and indifference of the good people now to the totality of the failure of BRA and the horrible consequences of those “people of good will of the white South” who did act on your behalf that history will record as the great tragedy.
We could have been on Mars, but instead, we have Detroit, circa 2012, and hundreds of other US cities well on their way to being Detroit-ed.
They represent the Sunk Cost of BRA; the ruins of Detroit represent actual manifestation of the good will of the white South fail to act now.
This is the real legacy of the Civil Rights movement.
This is the shame of “people of good will of the white South” whose legacy is the complete collapse of Birmingham and the turning of Atlanta into a Black Mecca that has been completely subsidized by white tax-dollars.
Freedom Failed.
Tea Party is so 1770s.
Coke Party will be the new vogue in the coming years.
At least eight people were injured when an argument escalated to gunfire in Oklahoma City, just blocks from Chesapeake Energy Arena, after the NBA playoff game between the Thunder and the Los Angeles Lakers, city police said Tuesday.
Capt. Dexter Nelson said a scuffle erupted Monday night in a crowd of people walking toward the Bricktown district, a popular nightlife area, and that it quickly turned ugly.
"Some girls got into it with a group of guys, and the guys opened fire on the women," Nelson said.
He said the shooting occurred at 11:35 p.m. Police know of at least eight people wounded in the incident, but Nelson did not have information on their ages or genders. He said one victim was in critical condition but that the others did not have life-threatening injuries.
Nelson said no one has been arrested in the shooting, but that police detained and questioned the occupants of one vehicle that they stopped nearby. Nelson said the investigation was ongoing.
Odds on those girls and the group of guys being Black? Entertainment districts across the nation - be it in Cleveland, Kansas City, Indianapolis, Baltimore, St. Louis, Atlanta, Memphis, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, Phoenix, Dallas, etc. - are dangerous for one simple reason: Black people.
Let's have a little reader participation. Name one social policy implemented in the 20th Century that positively impacted the United States (that benefited Real Americans and enabled and protected wealth creation for them and their posterity, the only legitimate function of a government)? Name one decision by the Supreme Court that was handed down in the 20th Century that has led to greater prosperity in the United States?
That led to greater freedom?
Name one law passed by Congress in the 20th Century that enabled Real Americans to prosper, instead of living as indentured servants to the Minority Occupational Government of Black-Run America (BRA)?
Ronald H. Bayor'sRace & The Shaping of Twentieth-Century Atlanta is one of Disingenuous White Liberal (DWL) scholarly books that blames the current state of the Black Mecca on the lingering vestiges of white racism.
The growth of Atlanta is in predominately white areas
Despite Atlanta - since 1973 - being a city firmly under the iron Black heel when it comes to who controls City Hall and the hiring/firing of public employees (not to mention the creation of the Minority Business Enterprise, which mandates a significant portion of city projects go to minority firms), Bayor's book places all the blame for The City too Busy to Hate's shortcomings on white people.
Just as in Detroit, it was white flight from Black criminality to virtually crime free white suburbs surrounding the city that allowed Black people to become the majority of Atlanta by 1970 and elect Maynard Jackson in 1973. This event was the culmination of years of cohesive actions by the Black community in Atlanta:
"The black response to a city being shaped by segregation was to form their own self-help organizations, develop businesses and colleges to serve the African-American community, negotiate for land and housing, fight for political inclusion, and, most important, to continually point out to white Atlantans what should have been obvious: measures that diminished black life in the city also had negative effects on whites. Black Atlanta's community development, resistance to or bypassing of white policies, and implementation of their own policies after 1973 were some of the shaping aspects of race that one could see in Atlanta."(p. 257, Race & The Shaping of Twentieth-Century Atlanta)
The election of Maynard Jackson, who has died of a heart attack aged 65, as the first black mayor of Atlanta, Georgia, in 1973 was a major landmark in the southern US city's history.
It signposted a change of guard in the local political class from white to black; no white person has since been elected mayor.
Jackson, who served three terms in office, was a prominent exponent of affirmative action.
In his first two terms, he rattled Atlanta's old cosy business relationships, alienating some, but wooing them back in his third term with deft deal-making skills. In 1978, he signed a law requiring 25% of the city's projects to be set aside for minority firms. The policy, which still operates today, made Atlanta the most hospitable place in America for black entrepreneurs.
He also pushed through an affirmative action program that made it mandatory for contractors to take on minority-owned businesses as partners, and forced the city's major law firms to hire African-American lawyers. He threatened that "tumbleweeds would run across the runways of Atlanta airport" if blacks were not included in city contracts.
This is the reason Atlanta is known as "The Black Mecca"; an aggressive affirmative action program implemented to enrich Black citizens of Atlanta, that resulted in enticing Black people from around the country to return to the city (and surrounding metro Atlanta area) to get a piece of the pie. An article from Ebony in 2002 notes:
Though Census figures show that Atlanta's Black population has dipped slightly (it peaked at 282,911 in 1980 and stands at 255,689 today), more than 150,000 African-Americans still moved into the city during the 1990s. The real boom was in the surrounding bedroom communities in DeKalb, Fulton and Cobb counties. More than half a million Blacks swelled the population of those communities in the 1990s. In fact, more Blacks moved to metropolitan Atlanta than to any other metro area in the country during the last decade.
Even in once-segregated strongholds like DeKalb County, which cuts a small swath through the city of Atlanta, Blacks have changed the face of the social and political landscape. In November 2000, DeKalb residents elected 41-year-old Vernon Jones as the county's first Black chief executive. "The times are definitely changing in and around this metropolitan area," Jones maintains. "The whole area is just much more diverse, and that's changing things. There are some glass ceilings, too. We still don't have a Black senator or a Black governor. But the population is growing. More and more Black people are moving here, affluent Black people. That is making a difference."
Today, Atlanta boasts more Black-owned companies per capita than any other city in the nation except Washington, D.C., according to the U.S. Department of Commerce. It is home to the nation's second-largest Black insurance company, Atlanta Life. Citizens Trust Bank, the fourth-largest Black bank, also is based there.
"There are business role models here like Jesse Hill and Herman Russell who allow young people to see what the possibilities are," says Thomas Dortch, national chairman of 100 Black Men of America.
But the new economic landscape produced by the labor, lobbying and civil rights leadership of Atlantans such as Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., Andrew Young and Congressman John Lewis also has created scintillating opportunities in areas where Blacks previously were shut out. As Atlanta has grown, so too have the fortunes of scores of Black businessmen who have participated in its amazing development. With the backing of Maynard Jackson, who is credited with initiating the building boom that put Atlanta on the map (some call Hartsfield airport "the airport that Maynard built"), business owners like construction magnate Herman J. Russell, whose H.J. Russell & Co. is the 14th-largest Black business in the country, literally paved the way for the unprecedented success of the Black businesses that followed.
Using aggressive affirmative action initiatives, Jackson ushered in an era in which the percentage of the contracts Black businesses received from the city grew from less than one-tenth of 1 percent in 1970 to more than $250 million today. It is said that 90 percent of the contracts that go to minority-owned firms that do business with American airports are at Hartsfield. Herman Russell, along with his partner, pioneering restaurateur James Paschal, operate several of those concessions, but many young Black business owners also have broken into this lucrative territory.
More and more Black people - who are vacating cities they helped ruin during the Great Migration of 20th century - are moving back to Atlanta. Fittingly, there is a correlation to property value drops, lower tax revenue collected - resulting in teacher and public employees layoffs and a lack of funds for improvements in infrastructure (and increased crime) - and further white flight from these counties Black people are settling in.
Attracted by affirmative action policies that helped enrich one segment of the population, one wonders if metro Atlanta's white population would ever dare unite to defend their interests? The looming showdown over North Fulton vs. South Fulton would lead one to say "yes, they will."
But its not just affirmative action policies that have helped enrich Black people in the private sector.
In describing Freaknic – a raucous Black spring break event that was eventually evicted from Atlanta - in the opening chapter of A Man in Full, Tom Wolfe writes:
Atlanta was their city, the Black Beacon, as the Mayor called it, 70 percent black. The Mayor was black… and twelve of the nineteen city council members were black, and the chief of police was black, and the fire chief was black, and practically the whole civil service was black, and the Power was black. (p.17)
But going back to that quote from Boyer, one glaring inconsistency with logic sticks out:
to continually point out to white Atlantans what should have been obvious: measures that diminished black life in the city also had negative effects on whites.
Actually, it's measures that improved Black life in the city that have had negative effects on whites. More importantly, it's had negative effects on Black people. Despite these affirmative action programs, poverty (and crime, which has no relation to poverty) in the Black community in metro Atlanta is at levels that rival any in all of America:
Atlanta's status as a haven for African-Americans was greatly reinforced by the election of the city's first black mayor, Maynard Jackson, in 1973. This accomplishment was due not to the progressive sentiments of the majority of Atlanta's white population, but rather their departure from the city in big numbers. In the book Imagineering Atlanta: The Politics of Place in the City of Dreams, Charles Rutheiser reports:
He (Jackson) assumed a confrontationalist posture vis-a-vis the white business community, arguing passionately for a greater distribution of the benefit of growth among African-Americans. Ina showdown over the new airport, Jackson succeeded in establishing a minority business enterprise program that became widely regarded as a model for minority set-asides for municipal contracts. Together, with extensive affirmative action hiring by Atlanta-based corporations like Coca-Cola and Delta Airlines, and an already-established black business community, the set-aside program made Atlanta a nationally known center for African-American economic opportunity in the latter part of the 1970s and 1980s.
Despite economic opportunities for the middle class and a continuous black presence at city hall for two decades, Atlanta was far from being a decent place, much less a paradise, for the majority of its African American residents. By any and every statistical measure, from poverty and unemployment to graduation rates and crime, the quality of life "enjoyed" by the city's African-American majority plummeted during this period. The percentage of black households living in poverty nearly doubled between 1980 and 1990, to more than a third of all households. Over half of the city's children lived in poverty.
Nowhere was the divide between the two black Atlantas more manifest than in the area of crime. Atlanta was nationally renowned for its high crime rate in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Its homicide rate more than doubled between 1965 and 1970, making the city the country's "murder capital." Atlanta has retained the dubious honor of being one of the nation's most violent cities to the present day. The vast majority of these crimes occurred, then as now, in the cities poorest census tracts to the south, east, and west of downtown, areas that are more than 95 percent African American.
A simple question has to be asked at this point: who were those white people in power in Atlanta that caused Black people to unite and create cohesive organizations that would - in turn - consolidate political power in their own hands (both in the public and private sector)? Who were these white people that allowed Atlanta to become the Black Mecca?:
An incredibly close-knit group of friends, neighbors, and business partners from the city's posh Northside, the power structure shared a common history. "Almost all of us had been born and raised within a mile or two each other," remembered Ivan Allen Jr., a member of the group who would succeed (William) Hartsfield as Atlanta's mayor from 1962 to 1970. "We had gone to the same schools, to the same churches, tot he same golf courses, to the same summer camps. We had dated the same girls. We had played and worked within our group." Member of the power structure not only shared a common past and present; they shared a common vision of the future. In Allen's telling, they were "dedicated to the betterment of Atlanta as much as a Boy Scout troop is dedicated to fresh milk and clean air."(p. 28, White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism, by Kevin M. Kruse)
The actions by the white elite (what can only be described as the white "Managerial Elite" of Black-Run America) from 1940 - 1970 resulted in the vacating of the city by middle class whites (who couldn't insulate their families from Black crime and integrated schools as the Northside elite could with private schools) and, in turn, resulted in the nightmarish of 2012 metro Atlanta: an entire metro area witnessing property depreciation, increased crime, and staggering costs for commutes.
Interesting that despite government mandated policies of affirmative action, minority contracts, and hiring practices that have turned all public jobs (tax supported) in the metro Atlanta area into a Black vocational program, Black communities there are in complete disarray.
Those areas that stayed white (despite a hostile government, private sector hiring practices that favor non-whites, and an onus on entrepreneurship): thriving. Atlanta has been rebuilt up Georgia 400 to Roswell, Sandy Springs, Alpharetta and Forsyth County.
The tallest buildings in all of suburban America, the 30+ story King and Queen Towers - The Concourse at Landmark Center in Sandy Springs - recently went on the market and analysts predict the sale will rival what the tallest building in the southeast (which was foreclosed), the Bank of America Plaza, went for. The former complex is located Outside the Perimeter, in a city that is majority white; the latter located in downtown Atlanta.
Sandy Springs is one of these primarily white cities in North Fulton that could secede from the county tomorrow and instantly see property values rise dramatically.
More on this later this week.
Since 1973, untold financial investing in the Black Mecca (through primarily white tax-dollars and the appropriation of collected revenue toward minority contracts and the establishment of an entrenched Black monopoly on public jobs) has resulted in the creation of a Black elite in Atlanta, which should now represent a sunk cost. No matter how many private companies enact affirmative action policies in hiring, this too will represent a sunk cost over time.
Atlanta - The City too Busy to Hate - represents a microcosm of how one can look at the entire nation after Black-Run America (BRA) rose to power: The white managerial elite rushing to cede power to Blacks, who have and always will maintain a close racial cohesion. It has been the zeitgeist in America for some time to be seen as "progressive" when it comes to Black America.
The state of 2012 Atlanta and the metro Atlanta area is directly correlated to two things: 1. Blacks moving from around the nation to city to take advantage of affirmative action policies enacted in 1973 that have created the facade of a "Black Mecca" -- only because of the misappropriation of tax-dollars by a racially cohesive drive to augment Blacks, and, 2. White people trying to avoid living anywhere near Black people. No matter the distance of the commute, having limited interaction with Black people is preferred.
One will never be able to quantify (nor qualify) what might have been for Atlanta - and metro Atlanta - were a race-based policy not enacted in 1973 and instead, a merit-based policy enshrined into law.
The white managerial elite of Atlanta sold the city to Organized Blackness; as a result, every one has suffered.
Such is the case for all of America.
To look back at what Mr. Boyer stated in his book, it should become clear: the day that white people decide to do any of things he listed as the Black response to "segregation" in Atlanta, is the day BRA ends.
Hilariously, it looks like it will be in the very Northside of Atlanta (North Fulton) that sees secession attempted and a new county created... Look to a forthcoming essay on Vdare to see what this means.
The seeds of BRAs destruction are in the soil of Atlanta.
. This never happens to white kids in cities controlled by Democrat mayors (and that are majority white).
is what one must read to understand why we live in this society, for the domestic horror that is unfolding across the nation was confined to 
).
and let's start the real conversation about race. 
and Clark Howard's 
by former Coke CEO Neville Isdell, a story from the chapter “Connected Capitalism” stood out and slapped me clear across the face. 
.
, Tom Wolfe writes: