|The past converging with the present: an eternal parade that induces white guilt|
That cops in Miami are plagued with a plethora of Black criminals that warrant shooting (isn’t this problem in New Orleans too?) yet haven’t located a sufficient amount of white criminals to discharge their weapons is somehow a Civil Rights problem:
A few weeks later, a Miami police officer shot and killed a black man during a traffic stop at North Miami Avenue and 75th Street in the Little Haiti neighborhood. The man, Travis McNeil, 28, was unarmed and never left the driver’s seat of his rental car when he was shot once in the chest, members of his family said.
Mr. McNeil was the seventh African-American man to be shot and killed by Miami police officers in eight months. The shootings in this racially polarized city have led to marches on the Police Department’s headquarters and calls for a Justice Department investigation, and the city manager has initiated an investigation into the chief’s record.
After pushing for action for weeks, the families of the seven shooting victims will speak at a City Commission meeting on Thursday. Some families are demanding that Chief Exposito be dismissed.
“I don’t understand how the powers that be can allow these things to keep happening,” Sheila McNeil, the mother of Mr. McNeil, said of the Feb. 10 shooting death of her son. “Something is drastically wrong.”
In Black Run America (BRA) the sins of the past are far greater than the sins of today. That police once brutalized Black people is grounds for the continued myth that permeates through the entire Black community that all police prey upon the Black community with impunity.
In reality, police try and protect law-abiding Black citizens from a large criminal presence in their midst that preys upon them, but Black people see an attack on one as an attack on all.
BRA must live in the past, constantly pulling up stories (of dubious merit) in an attempt to psychological defeat white people by instilling vast amounts of guilt upon their already overburdened souls. This story out of Alabama is a perfect example of this tactic:
Nearly 70 years after Recy Taylor was raped by a gang of white men, leaders of the rural southeast Alabama community where it happened apologized Monday, acknowledging that her attackers escaped prosecution because of racism and an investigation bungled by police.
"It is apparent that the system failed you in 1944," Henry County probate judge and commission chairwoman JoAnn Smith told several of Taylor's relatives at a news conference at the county courthouse.
Taylor, 91, lives in Florida and did not attend the news conference. Family members said she was in poor health and was not up to traveling to Abbeville or speaking with reporters. But her 74-year-old brother Robert Corbitt, who still lives in town, was front and center and said he would relay the apology to his sister.
"What happened to my sister way back then ... couldn't happen today," he said. "Boy, what a mess they made out of it. They tried to make her look like a whore and she was a Christian lady."
Taylor, who is black, told The Associated Press in an interview last year that she believes the men who attacked her are dead, but she would still like an apology from the state. The AP does not typically identify victims of sexual assault but is using her name because she has publicly identified herself.
The migration of Blacks from the American South to the North is "the greatest untold story of the 20th century," Pulitzer Prize–winning author Isabel Wilkerson said to an audience of CEOs and senior executives at DiversityInc's event in Washington, D.C.
Her book, "The Warmth of Other Suns: The Epic Story of America's Great Migration," is about Blacks' emigration from the South between 1915 and 1970 to escape a "mercurial" caste system of color that threatened violence daily. "An African American was lynched every four days," Wilkerson said. "That was the price of maintaining the caste system."
Wilkerson talked about how the migration of Blacks was much like the migration of Europeans, Asians and Latinos to the U.S. -- the journey was about freedom to express and to build on their talents.
Talent indeed! Black people are fleeing a city they ruined in search of white suburbs to bring their talents to that popped up around Detroit once white people fled.
Their track record for making once-world class cities -- like Detroit -- and turning them into, well, the Detroit of today is widely known. That Black people now move to suburbs in the South is sad reminder that the fate of Clayton County will soon befall many other once prosperous counties in the South.
But Wilkerson’s claim of “a Black person lynched every four days” must not go unchallenged. Dwight Murphey explained the reality of lynching’s in a monograph he published that we must now cite to refute the pathetic scholarship of Pulitzer Prize-winning Wilkerson, who only won because her work buttresses the system of oppression known as BRA:
Robert L. Zangrando cites figures for the much longer period of 1882-1968 in his book The NAACP Crusade Against Lynching, 1909-1950. Again, his statistics, which he reports were given to him by the Tuskegee Institute, differ somewhat from the other two lists where they overlap. His total figure for 1890, say, is 96, with 11 being white and 85 black. The NAACP's report of 91 was based on 3 whites and 88 blacks. So we again have reason to take the specifics with caution. Just the same, the order of magnitude is indicated by his 87-year total of 4,742, of which 1,297 were white and 3,445 black. Of equal significance is the declining numbers shown over the years: prior to 1902, there was only one year (1890) with less than 100; prior to 1923, only one year ((1917) with less than 50; prior to 1932, no years with less than 10.
But after a brief increase in 1933, 1934 and 1935, there were always less than ten, and the list dwindles slowly to zero. In effect, lynching ceased to be a major phenomenon by the turn of the century, and had pretty much come to an end by the mid-1930s. If, too, it were seen on a per capita basis in light of total population, the decline would be even more dramatic. (The population of the United States doubled from 30 million in 1860 to 60 million in 1890.) The decline came first in the West and Northeast, and soon thereafter in the South.
In Lynching – History and Analysis (1995) Wichita State University professor Dwight Murphey refutes the case that lynchings were largely a result white of racism. People often resorted to lynching because the authorities were a long ride away, and President Andrew Jackson himself sanctioned the practice when he recommended to Iowa settlers that they lynch murderers. Likewise in Kansas, a New York Tribune correspondent reported in 1858 that "[t]here is a very general disposition to pass over the hopelessly useless forms of Territorial law and corrupt Federal courts, and try these parties (i.e. horse-thieves) by Lynch law."
Prof. Murphey notes that contrary to current assumptions, blacks also formed lynch gangs, mostly to lynch blacks, but sometimes to lynch whites. In Clarksdale, Tennessee, blacks lynched a white in 1914 for raping a black woman. The authorities later ruled that this was justifiable homicide. In 1872 in Chicot County, Arkansas, armed blacks broke three whites out of jail and shot them to death.
Nor was lynching by any means a sport in which any black was fair game. In Tennessee in 1911, four white men hanged a black man and his two daughters for no good reason. This outrage roused the ire of the community; the whites were tried and two were hanged.
It is true that blacks were lynched more often than whites, but, as is the case today, blacks were also more likely to commit violent crimes, so even if lynching had been entirely race-blind, the number of executions would still have been racially unbalanced. Prof. Murphey cites black homicide rates in 1921-22 for Atlanta, Birmingham, Memphis and New Orleans per 100,000 that were 102.2, 97.2, 116.9 and 46.7 respectively. This corresponded to white rates of 15.0, 28.0, 29.6, and 8.4. According to Murphey, “These figures are eloquent testimony that serious crime was the primary provocation for lynching.” Even W.E.B. DuBois wrote disparagingly of "a class of black criminals, loafers, and ne'er-do-wells who are a menace to their fellows, both black and white."
Wilkerson throws out – and is uncontested in her assertion and awarded for her efforts– an arbitrary number of Blacks being lynched at a rate of one every four days. That equals 91 per year. As we learned, the 87-year total of 4,742 lynching’s broke down to 1,297 being white and 3,445 being black (hate to break it to you, but lynchings were primarily a reaction to lawlessness and criminality).
That equates to a Black person being lynched once every nine days (some years had higher rates of lynchings). That high rates of Black crime might have necessitated swift justice is never a plausible answer; only white racism can equate for lynching.
That whites were lynched at a rate of one every 26th day doesn’t matter to those peddling the lynching guilt card. Take a look at this syllabus from a University of Cincinnati (on class on the history of lynching) which places the blame for lynchings on only white racism. Trying to deter high rates of Black criminality could never be considered a reason for the lynching of any Black person; only white racism can be blamed.
Consequently, that whites aren’t being shot at the same rate as New Orleans and Miami’s Black criminals are is a monumental problem that can only be solved with the shooting of more white criminals.
Better find some quick!
America has become such a colossal joke, that sometimes you just have to laugh. But, hey, the American Dream came true.
It is our belief that white guilt is quickly eroding in Black Run America. If positive images of Black people derived from sports and popular culture (Black Fictional Heroes) helped created BRA, then white guilt is the mortar that holds it all together, sustaining it.
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