What is "Man-Made Climate Change?"

Man-Made Climate Change: Section 8 Housing

It is vital that you read What is Climate Change? before you read this piece. Climate Change has a whole different meaning here then what radical environmentalists claim it means. Personally, I agree with Charlton Heston when he read Michael Crichton's foreword to Jurassic Park on the Rush Limbaugh Show. Watch it here.

But because I one day hope to have progeny and because I care about their posterity and the nation they will inherit, the reality of real, discernible climate change is something that must be addressed. No one ever says, "Gosh, I can't wait to move to Detroit" and no one ever says, "You know what, moving to downtown Memphis, Baltimore, Birmingham, St. Louis, Cincinnati, Philadelphia, Newark, or Cleveland might be a great place to start a family because the school system is so good!"

That's because the neighborhoods in the aforementioned cities are unsafe and the school systems are abysmal failures because the Black Undertow has assumed complete control of the city infrastructure that white flight left behind. Environmentalists can demand that every new building is built LEED certified and is "green" but if these buildings (either commercial or residential) are constructed in cities with a majority Black population, they will sit idle.

In Memphis, the Black Undertow left behind to control every aspect of the city (fire, police, government, courts, school system, city planning, etc.) can no longer financially support the failing school system and is attempting to dissolve it and merge with the richer white school system surrounding the true chocolate city of America. The Whitopia's that surround Memphis are some of the nicest, most revered towns in the nation, and they represent what Memphis could be where not for the presence of a large percentage of the Black community that participates in crime and makes attending integrated schools an unwanted proposition for young white families who actually care that their children get a good education.

The surest way to know that you aren't sending your kids to a "good school" is if the percentage of Black pupils equals 35 percent or more.

Urban sprawl is one of the greatest ecological threats facing America, and the need to continue enlarging the metro areas of major cities is directly correlated with white people's (and other races, including capable Black people) desire to raise families far removed from failing Black-run urban centers.

We have already discussed what Climate Change means here at SBPDL, so now it is time to learn what Man-Made Climate Change means. Because many Whitopia's don't get washed away by the Black Undertow fast enough (hey, it took 20 years for Clayton County, Georgia to go from 90 percent white to less than 30 percent) Disingenuous White Liberals - DWLs - have devised an ingenious way to speed up the metamorphosis: Section 8 Housing.

You see, DWLs desire controlling major cities like Atlanta and Washington D.C., but a monolithic mahogany vote makes this impossible for the foreseeable future until gentrification has priced Black people out of residing in these towns, respectively. DWLs have always been envious of Seattle, Portland, Boulder, and Austin and realize that tolerating incompetent Black elected officials is no longer an option. Nor is paying massive tuition to send their kids to all-white private schools.

Section 8 Housing is a brilliant way to speed up Climate Change by forcing Whitopia's to accept low income housing in their midst. We have already seen the overwhelmingly Black Section 8 riots in Atlanta and Dallas (2010 and 2011), and the fine citizens captured clamoring for free housing are but a glimpse, a small sample size of the sterling citizens who will soon be moving to a Whitopia near you.

Writing in the Wall Street Journal, James Bovard tells us this about Man-Made Climate Change:

Section 8 rental subsidies have long been one of the most controversial federal social programs. The Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) under the Obama administration is making a troubled program worse.

In the 1990s, the feds were embarrassed by skyrocketing crime rates in public housing—up to 10 times the national average, according to HUD studies and many newspaper reports. The government's response was to hand out vouchers to residents of the projects (authorized under Section 8 of the Housing and Community Development Act of 1974), dispersing them to safer and more upscale locales. 

Section 8’s budget soared to $19 billion this year from $7 billion in 1994. HUD now picks up the rent for more than two million households nationwide; tenants pay 30% of their income toward rent and utilities while the feds pay the rest. Section 8 recipients receive monthly rental subsidies of up to $2,851 in the Stamford-Norwalk, Conn., area, $2,764 in Honolulu and $2,582 in Columbia, Md.

But the dispersal of public housing residents to quieter neighborhoods has failed to weed out the criminal element that made life miserable for most residents of the projects. “Homicide was simply moved to a new location, not eliminated,” concluded University of Louisville criminologist Geetha Suresh in a 2009 article in Homicide Studies. In Louisville, Memphis, and other cities, violent crime skyrocketed in neighborhoods where Section 8 recipients resettled.

After a four-year investigation, the Indianapolis Housing Authority (IHA) in 2006 linked 80% of criminal homicides in Marion County, Ind., to individuals fraudulently obtaining federal assistance “in either the public housing program or the Section 8 program administered by the agency.”

Dubuque, Iowa, is struggling with an influx of Section 8 recipients from Chicago housing projects. Section 8 concentrations account for 11 of 13 local violent crime hot spots, according to a study by the Northern Illinois University Center for Governmental Studies. 

Dubuque’s city government responded by trimming the size of the local Section 8 program. HUD retaliated by launching a “civil rights compliance review” of the program (final results pending).

HUD seems far more enthusiastic about cracking down on localities than on troublesome Section 8 recipients who make life miserable for the rest of the community. And because Section 8 recipients in some areas are mostly black or Latino, almost any enforcement effort can be denounced as discriminatory.


Nevertheless, middle-class blacks are the program’s least inhibited critics. {snip} Shirlee Bolds told Iowa’s Dubuque Telegraph Herald in 2009: “I moved away from the city to get away from all this crap. Dubuque’s getting rough. I think it’s turning into a little Chicago, like they’re bringing the street rep here.”

Remarkably, HUD seems bent on creating a new civil right—the right to raise hell in subsidized housing in nice neighborhoods. Earlier this year, the agency decreed that Section 8 tenants (as well as other renters) who are evicted because of domestic violence incidents may sue for discrimination under the Fair Housing Act because women are “the overwhelming majority of domestic violence victims.” In essence, this gives troublesome tenants a federal trump card to play against landlords who seek to preserve the peace and protect other renters.


The Obama administration is now launching a pilot program giving local housing authorities wide discretion to pay higher rent subsidies to allow Section 8 beneficiaries to move into even more affluent zip codes. Hasn’t this program helped wreck enough neighborhoods?

The Wall Street Journal earlier this month published this piece on Man-Made Climate Change, showing how property owners now enjoy owning homes classified as Section 8 because they pay the bills:

Today, I wrote about Section 8′s upgrade: Recipients of the government subsidy are renting boom-era showpieces, brimming with McMansion-like features, that once sold for hundreds of thousands of dollars.

Now that the housing market has imploded, more of these grandiose homes are trickling down to the rental supply. Section 8 tenants can score swimming pools, backyard barbecue grills and walk-in closets. Some are even requesting features ranging from Jacuzzi tubs to parquet floors. Newly built homes are available.

“You can’t go out and buy a property in a bad area and expect to [rent to] a Section 8 tenant anymore,” says Richard Cupelli, president of GoSection8.com, where tenants and landlords connect.

Section 8 renters, who have some or all of their rent paid by the government, are in such demand, that in the hardest-hit markets, such as Las Vegas, they can negotiate lower rent, demand rental discounts mid-lease and score freebies such as a carpet scrubbing.

Some are using this opportunity to upgrade. Shawnetta Newburn left a drug-infested St. Louis neighborhood for Henderson, Nev., a Vegas suburb. She now lives in a gated community with a sparkling swimming pool. Her three-bedroom home has soaring ceilings, a gas-fueled fireplace and an enclosed toilet room, something more common in mini-mansions.

“The only time I ever saw that was on TV or something,” she says during a tour of the approximately 2,000-square-foot home. “I never thought I’d have anything like this.”
The change marks one of the most dramatic shifts since the 1974 creation of Section 8, nicknamed after its location in the U.S. Housing and Community Development Act. The $18.1 billion Housing and Urban Development program offers more than 2 million families the chance to live outside of housing projects. Recipients pay a certain percentage of their income, typically no more than 30%, each month. The government directly deposits the payment, so landlords don’t have to fret about late rent or bounced checks.

About half of Ms. Newburn’s rent is covered. In Las Vegas, Serena Jefferson, a mother of seven, pays $400 a month for her “awesome” five-bedroom home with a tiled walk-in shower. The government covers $1,400, she said.

“It’s no longer slum, slumming,” said Mike Gonyea, head of Mike Gonyea Real Estate in Las Vegas, as he toured Ms. Jefferson’s home.

In addition to guaranteed rent, some landlords report enviable returns. Last year, Arman Davtyan, who rents to Section 8 tenants, paid $60,000 in cash for a four-bedroom house in North Las Vegas. He charges rent of $1,436 each month, giving him a profit of about $15,000 per year after insurance and property taxes, he says.
“I used to never rent to Section 8. There used to be such a stigma,” he said. “Now that’s by far my primary choice.”

These massive homes were built on speculation, in a time when the economy was chugging along nicely and 401k's were brimming with growth. But with Section 8 rentals comes Man-Made Climate Change, as rising crime rates always follow. Memphis offers an example of this, as the Black people participating in Man-Made Climate Change took crime wherever they went:

Richard Janikowski and Phyllis Betts don't look as if they're inclined to stir up trouble.
He is tall, a sharp dresser who laughs easily. She is short and motherly. They live in suburban Countrywood with two dogs and three cats.

Yet stir up trouble the couple did when a long article in the July/August issue of The Atlantic -- "American Murder Mystery" by Hanna Rosin -- brought to national attention their theory that shifting patterns of crime in Memphis can be linked to or at least run parallel with the demolition of old public housing in inner-city neighborhoods -- Lamar Terrace and Dixie Homes, Hurt Village and LeMoyne Gardens, Lauderdale Courts and Fowler Homes -- and the transfer of former inhabitants to new neighborhoods on Section 8 vouchers.
In other words, crime follows poverty wherever it goes.

"Well, that's a bit of a simplification," said Janikowski, associate professor in the Department of Criminology and Criminal Justice at the University of Memphis and director of the Center for Community Criminology and Research, "though that's the way our studies have been interpreted. Crime and poverty are inextricably linked, there'sno question, but it's not that poverty causes crime. Poverty creates a contact point that exacerbates all sorts of stresses on people. It's not that there's any one cause. It's a confluence of stresses."

Janikowski, 57, is from Chicago. He majored in political science at Loyola University and after graduation worked in community mental health programs.

"This was in the midst of the revolution of shutting state hospitals and putting the mentally ill into the community," said Janikowski. "I was walking through downtown one afternoon after arguing with a bunch of lawyers and went past the DePaul University Law School, and it was just one of those things, I went in and applied."

Janikowski has been at U of M for 20 years, Betts for 18; there were two years of a long-distance marriage.
Betts, 58, is from Springfield, Ill. With an undergraduate degree from Southern Illinois University and a master's degree and PhD from the University of Chicago, she "was committed to sociology from the beginning and all the way through." Her concentration was on social inequality and social policy and urban sociology.
She has brought that background and knowledge to bear in mapping out the changing demographics and economic fluctuations, especially in housing and foreclosures, in Memphis neighborhoods. She is the founding director of the Center for Community Building and Neighborhood Action in the School of Urban Affairs and Public Policy at U of M. Their offices are on the fourth floor of the Urban Child Institute on Jefferson.

As outsiders to Memphis and as a couple committed to public service, Betts and Janikowski feel keenly the ambivalence of their position. They have, after all, and almost inadvertently, delivered the bad news that the Section 8 housing program in Memphis is not working. They are white college professors, trained in academic research; most residents of public housing are poor and black and uneducated.

Section 8 refers to a passage of the U.S. Housing Act of 1937 dedicated to sponsoring subsidized housing for low-income families; it is also known as the Housing Choice Voucher Program.

Janikowski was teaching constitutional law and criminal theory when the Memphis-Shelby County Crime Commission was established in 1997.

"That was a real stimulus to research into local police practice," he said, "and I began working with the commission. You know, the traditional criminal justice procedure used to be something like 'Ready. Fire. Aim.' And I thought, Let's see if we can reverse part of that and do it through a collaboration between agencies."

The result of that collaboration -- and of Janikowski's persuasion of the Police Department to share crime statistics on a daily basis -- was the Police Department's Operation Blue Crush (Crime Reduction Using Statistical History), launched in August 2005. The idea was to use the actual statistics of crime occurrence and density to plot police response and prevention.

In the meantime, Betts, who called Memphis "the ultimate urban laboratory," was compiling statistics about the areas of Memphis where low-income renters, backed up by Section 8 vouchers, had moved. Early this year, somewhat uneasily, the couple decided to compare their maps, one of crime statistics, the other of clusters of Section 8 voucher renters. To their dismay, the charts largely coincided.

Crime seems to follow the Black Undertow and Man-Made Climate Change seems to increase crime because a preponderance of Black people are forced upon a city that had little to no crime. Indeed, the police in these Whitopia's primary objective - before Section 8 Housing residents were forced in - was to ticket speeding white teenagers.

The American Prospect tried to downplay the findings of the Memphis/Section 8 study by reporting this:

“American Murder Mystery” is the sensational headline to a long article in the July-August issue of The Atlantic by Hanna Rosin, in which she blames “one of the most celebrated antipoverty programs of recent decades” for spreading violent crime to the suburbs of Memphis and other cities. Rosin argues that former residents of demolished housing projects who relocated into private apartments and homes using Section 8 rental-housing vouchers are responsible for spikes in crime. Not surprisingly, her article thrilled conservative commentators and bloggers, who crowed “Social Engineers Move Inner City Crime to Suburbs (Developers Delighted!),” “Another Liberal Fantasy Exposed,” and “[Liberals] have exported serious crime to previously blissful suburbs.” 

Rosin places far too much responsibility on housing policy for the increase in crime. Other factors related to the local economy were almost certainly more significant. Even within the realm of housing policy, the problem is not Section 8 but an outgrowth of conservative indifference to supporting low-income renters rather than a liberal desire to give poor families a better chance.

No, the problem is Man-Made Climate Change and the settling of small sample size of the Black Undertow prematurely into Whitopia's, introducing elements of change early and speeding up the process of true Climate Change. Inevitably, with the introduction of Man-Made Climate Change property values plummet, schools go from "good" to "majority Black", big box stores close and businesses shutter their doors and the economy of the city collapses as white flight transpires.

The greatest ecological threat that our posterity will face is not the melting of the ice caps or the failure of people to use renewable energy, recycle, drive electric cars, but the continued failure to address Climate Change and Man-Man Climate Change.

In Los Angeles, two former Whitopia's are attempting to drive out Man-Man Climate Change and the DWLs in charge of the Los Angeles Times are having a fit:

The name Antelope Valley evokes a picturesque desert-scape where pronghorns once roamed and people now live quietly in rambling homes on spacious lots. But a recent lawsuit suggests a less peaceful image of the cities of Lancaster and Palmdale in the northern reaches of Los Angeles County.

According to the suit, county housing investigators, sometimes accompanied by posses of armed sheriff's deputies, regularly roust residents on public housing assistance — known as Section 8 vouchers — to see if they are in compliance with the strict rules of the federal housing assistance program. Although the law enforcement officers are legally required to ask permission to enter, their presence is so intimidating that few occupants turn them down.

Those compliance checks have led in many cases to termination of aid. The two cities have had more residents cut off for violations of the Section 8 rules than anywhere else overseen by the Los Angeles County housing authority. Between July 2006 and November 2010, 59% of proposed terminations of aid were in Lancaster and Palmdale, even though those cities are home to just 17% of Section 8 households in the county.

The majority of people on Section 8 assistance in the Antelope Valley — and in Los Angeles County — are black or Latino. The suit, brought by the grass-roots organization Community Action League as well as two unnamed residents and the NAACP, accuses the cities of Lancaster and Palmdale of nothing less than "a deliberate attempt to re-segregate their historically virtually all-white communities."

The mayors of both Lancaster and Palmdale deny that their cities have engaged in any systematic attempt to drive out Latinos and African Americans. But what is troubling is how aggressive and public officials of both cities have been in resisting the influx of Section 8 participants. In 2009 the cities asked the county housing authority to consider mounting an ad campaign to discourage Section 8 voucher holders from coming to the Antelope Valley because it was too expensive and there were few jobs. The housing authority declined, according to the lawsuit. Lancaster officials also tried to get the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development to allow them to withhold city business licenses from landlords who proposed to rent to Section 8 voucher holders. In a 2009 letter, HUD officials turned them down, warning that because 75% of Lancaster's Section 8 participants were black, the city's move could be seen as a violation of the Fair Housing Act.

Almost every problem facing America today has it origins in our refusal to acknowledge true Climate Change and the far more pernicious Man-Made Climate Change. Dependency on fossil fuels, high divorce rates, massive budgets for highway repair, reduction in potable water, soil erosion, the inability for the Chicago Cubs to win the World Series; all because of Climate Change and Man-Made Climate Change.

Maybe not that last part, but to truly go green would mean to acknowledge the Black Undertow and the ecological impact of allowing it to spread further and further away from major cities through Climate Change and Man-Made Climate Change.

What are you waiting for environmentalists? If we want to ensure our children and their grandchildren leave in a sustainable country, we must acknowledge the Black Undertow. Let's go green the right way. 


Michael Crichton's foreword to Jurassic Park is correct; it's foolish to think that mankind can harm earth. In the end, nature will always take care of itself. However, it's inhumane to allow Climate Change and Man-Made Climate Change to persist.

Drive to any former Whitopia that has been usurped by the Black Undertow and see what remains; drive to any Section 8 Housing complex, and see what for yourself what Man-Man Climate Change represents.

Your posterity deserves better.

Consider this story from Minneapolis about what Man-Made Climate Change does to a city:

A half-an-hour before the North Regional Library in north Minneapolis opened for the day, 50, mostly African-American women, are lined up in the parking lot. 


Many carry small children, while a few rambunctious tots runabout and wrestle with each other. 

The library is one of eight locations across the city where people can apply for a Section 8 housing voucher. The federally-funded vouchers pay most of the cost of rent for low-income people.
Tymica Anderson is at the front of the line.

"Market rate rent in Minnesota is too high," she says. "So you need Section 8 to be able to afford to pay your bills and take care of your children." 

The Minneapolis Public Housing Authority expects more than 15,000 people to apply for Section 8 vouchers during the application period. 

Currently, the authority has 4600 vouchers, most of them are in use. 

The Section 8 supervisor Rita Yetzen says as many as 600 families leave the program each year. But this year's applicants will still likely have a long wait. 

"We have applicants from our 1998 and 2003 wait-list that are in a pending status. They will be offered that opportunity first, simply because of the length of time they've been in an applicant status," Yetzens says. "So, we don't anticipate being able to touch our waiting list from 2008 until probably sometime next year."

 If you can't afford kids, don't have them. Those of us who actually care about our posterity are tired of paying for yours to inherit the world.

At some point, all of this will change. Perhaps when enough people decide it's time to truly go green and combat Climate Change. But it will change.

Watch this video about the Black Undertow demand for Section 8 Housing in Kansas City.