The Return of Fort Apache to New York City. Bill de Blasio's 'Big Apple', Where Whiteness will be a Liability

Just who is excited about the election of Bill de Blasio in New York City? [De Blasio Elected Next New York City Mayor in Landslide: First Democrat to Win City Hall Since David Dinkins in 1989, NY Times, 11-6-13]:

The victory—by one of the widest margins in a New York City mayoral election in the past century—reflected overwhelming support for Mr. de Blasio from virtually every demographic. According to an Edison Research exit poll, 96% of black voters and up to 85% of Latino voters backed Mr. de Blasio. He won the support of 90% of Democrats, 16% of Republicans and nearly half of voters who are unaffiliated or belong to another party, the exit poll showed.

Okay. 

So black and brown people in New York (along with Disingenuous White Liberals, who hope to feel moral superior to white Republican voters in the Big Apple). 

Consulting the graph above (created by the good folks at SBPDL), notice gun crime in New York City is 97 percent or greater non-white. [Gun Confiscation in New York City? A City Where, since 2008, 97 percent or more of Gun-Crime Has Been By Non-Whites?, SBPDL, 11-29-13]

You see, de Blasio is going to liberate non-whites from the burden of profiling (you know, stop-and-frisk). It's 1865 all over again in New York City! [Many Black New Yorkers Are Seeing de Blasio’s Victory as Their Own, NY Times,  11-10-13]:

A black janitor in Brooklyn almost shouted out the name when asked about his vote in the mayoral race. Bill de Blasio, he said, “knows my struggle.”

In the Bronx, some African-American voters defaulted to a shorthand: “the man with the black wife.” Nobody thought it necessary to explain whom they meant.

And in a Brooklyn housing project, a lifelong resident said he was tired of mayors who, in his mind, had pitted blacks against whites. Mr. de Blasio, he declared, “is black and white.”

Of all the records shattered by Mr. de Blasio’s landslide victory, perhaps the most remarkable is that virtually every vote cast by black New Yorkers — 96 percent — went his way. He captured a bigger portion of the black vote than David N. Dinkins in 1989 when he was elected New York City’s first black mayor with 91 percent of the black vote, according to exit polls.

Alright. 

So the whole, 'color-blind' meme is dead; long-live the return of race-centric thinking (white people aren't allowed in these terms, though).

New York City is preparing to get a good look at a world where whiteness is a liability (more to the point, where the new executive in charge of the government actively campaigned against law and order). 

The future is coming back to the present...

Why don't we take a look at the type of world black and brown people have created before in New York City. Let's take a look at the type of world the ancestors of the people who overwhelmingly helped elect de Blasio into the mayors office created in 1970s New York City. 

In fact, it will be a mere 2.5 square miles, with 60 miles of streets. Population 171,000 - 192,000 Puerto Ricans, 73,000 blacks, and 6,00 designated as others. (p. 13, Fort Apache Bronx, NY: "Life at the 41st Precinct" by Tom Walker).

In "Return To Fort Apache: Memoir of an NYPD Captain," Tom Walker reflects on the demographic setting of the area:

When you thought of New York, you imagined Manhattan as its mansion, Staten Island and Queens as its lawns and Brooklyn as its scullery. The Bronx became the city’s jakes.

Don’t attach bitterness to this observation. The reason for the Bronx’s condition was as much geographical as it was social. When the great post-war emigration from the city began, the Bronx became a junction for those moving north to Westchester and Connecticut, or west to Northern New Jersey. True, the well-to-do had established themselves in Riverdale, along the Hudson River, or moved up to Jerome Avenue and the Grand Concourse. But as the population of blacks and Puerto Ricans grew and moved across the Harlem River, those whites fleeing the central city leap-frogged the borough. Those that had settled there, the Irish and the Italians who had sought the Bronx’s greenery after experiencing the ghettos themselves, moved again. It was natural for the newcomers to discover the Bronx. Most of the major subway lines follow a north-south axis. This made travel easy for those who lacked cars or needed inexpensive transportation. When rents were raised, families increased in size or buildings became uninhabitable, they boarded the uptown IRT and headed north.

That’s when the legend began. The exit point for many of the blacks and Puerto Ricans from Manhattan’s Upper East Side was the Willis Avenue Bridge, the Third Avenue Bridge and the 138^th Street Bridge. Two IRT lines, The Jerome Avenue and the Pelham Bay lines snaked through the area. So the path these immigrants followed led to the South Bronx. And there they stuffed themselves into rotting tenements and learned on those cruel streets that the world offered them no more north of the river than it did south of the river.

As urban renewal eliminated many lower income from Manhattan’s West Side, the problem became aggravated. Many of them were pushed into the same area of the Bronx and they brought their problems and frustrations with them. A part of that section was designated by the police as the 41^st Precinct; the Four-one.

Some newcomers brought conspicuous vices: prostitution; drug addiction; alcoholism, and nearly all forms of petty and violent crime. By the late 1960’s, the four-one earned the dubious distinction of being the roughest precinct in the police department. It exceeded all other precincts in most of the classifications of serious crimes. A policeman assigned to the precinct quickly lost any sense of disbelief. It all happened in the four-one and you just had to cope with it. The precinct became a sort of outpost of civilization, as we understand the world. So the legend began.

In the late 60’s Lt Lloyd Gittens christened the precinct, “Fort Apache.” The incredible barbarity, the viciousness, the self-destructive vice far exceeded that found in more publicized areas of the New York such as Harlem or Bedford Stuyvesant. In fact, the murder rate of this area exceeded such substantial cities as Kansas City and Miami. If ever an area of humanity had, however unconsciously, decided to let the 20^th century sweep by unnoticed, it was the four-one.

A great many slums in our major urban areas have been compared to hell, but all those areas possessed some redeeming factors. Vast areas of habitable housing still stood; the family structure remained intact; a sense of community preserved and there were always ways out and upward toward the stability of the middle class. None of these factors existed in the four-one. Life became less valuable than a subway token. (p. 32-33)

The people who created the conditions in Precinct 41 (necessitating the name Fort Apache for the police department building there) are the same people who overwhelmingly elected de Blasio.

Jared Taylor's 1992 book Paved With Good Intentions: The Failure of Race Relations in Contemporary America offers another glimpse into the type of world the people who overwhelming helped elect de Blasio created in New York City's public school system:

The New York City school system spends $60 million every year on security guards'-$60 million that is not spent on laboratory equipment, band instruments, or field trips. In 1988 the city began a weapons-detection program that, by 1990, had been ex- tended to fourteen high schools and one junior high school. In 1992 Mayor Dinkins announced he would try to find another $28 million to pay for metal detectors and X-ray machines at another thirty-five schools. Student activities coordinators, who used to organize dances and other good times, now see their main job as trying to prevent violence.

 In the five years to 1992, fifty students at Thomas Jefferson High School in Brooklyn died, most of them violently. The school maintains a "burial fund" to help indigent parents inter their children, and a classroom has been permanently set aside for use by grieving friends. It was hardly a surprise when a black state assemblyman from Brooklyn, Roger Green, decided to send his teenage son to live in Georgia, where he hoped to go to school without being shot at.

Besides the constant fear of violence, New York City's poorer children are surrounded by other abominations. At Public School 40 in the Bronx, there is so much prostitution in the streets that children must sometimes be held late while they wait for the fornications to finish. Drug dealing creates so much traffic that the police have put up barricades to try to stop the flow. Even so, every morning the children are treated to the spectacle of addicts lining up to buy drugs.

At Public School 43 in the Bronx, the sun never shines into many of the classrooms. Teachers keep the shades drawn and push students' desks away from the windows. This is because an abandoned lot across from the school has become an open-air market for drugs and sex. If the children could look out the windows they would see addicts pushing needles into their arms and crack users copulating. (p. 324-325)

 The old cliche the inmates run the asylum isn't far from the truth. 

Fort Apache, thy name is wherever you find whites retreating to in de Blasio's New York City.

Civilization died once whites left Walker's 41st Precinct; civilization died once whites abandoned the New York City Public School System (roughly 14.3 percent white today).

And these are the people responsible for ushering in the era of de Blasio.

Federal Government Attempts to Uplift Black America = Greatest Sunk Cost in the History of Business

In the ultimate chapter of Jared Taylor's 1992 book Paved With Good Intentions: The Failure of Race Relations in Contemporary America (What is to be done?), a somber analysis/critique of the federal governments attempt to legislate equality appears:

What is America to do about the rising tide of horror? Visitors from Europe or Japan shake their heads in wonder at the squalor and barbarity of America's cities. They could be forgiven for thinking that the country had viciously and deliberately neglected its poor and its blacks. Of course, it has not.

All 84 percent black Detroit needs to survive is a library full of Ayn Rand...

Since the 1960s, the United States has poured a staggering amount of money into education, housing, welfare, Medicaid, and uplift programs of every kind. Government now spends $240 billion a year to fight poverty, and despite the widespread notion that spending was curtailed during Republican administrations, it has actually gone up steadily, at a rate that would have astonished the architects of the Great Society.

Federal spending on the poor, in real 1989 dollars, quadrupled from 1965 to 1975, and has nearly doubled since then.

As the economist Walter Williams has pointed out, with all the money spent on poverty since the 1960s, the government could have bought every company on the Fortune 500 list and nearly all the farmland in America. What do we have to show for three decades and $2.5 trillion worth of war on poverty? The truth is that these programs have not worked. The truth that America refuses to see is that these programs have made things worse. (p. 331-332)

 Twenty-one years ago, this book was the Conservative Book Club book of the month. Now, one of the top contenders for the 2016 Republican nomination for Presidency is opening an outreach center in Detroit.  [Sen. Rand Paul to help open Republican outreach office in Detroit, Detroit Free Press, 11-21-13]:

U.S. Sen. Rand Paul will be opening an Republican Party outreach office in Detroit while visiting the city next month to speak to the Detroit Economic Club.

Paul’s political action committee announced earlier this week that the Republican from Kentucky — who is widely considered a potential presidential candidate in 2016 — would speak to the club Dec. 6 and “unveil his new legislative proposal to remove bankrupt Detroit and other economically blighted areas from poverty and the shackles of big government.”

Today, the Michigan Republican Party and Chairman Bobby Schostak announced that Paul will attend the opening of an African American Engagement Office that same morning at 19208 Livernois Ave. The party said speakers will discuss the party’s “outreach efforts and our commitment to revitalizing Michigan’s urban centers.”

 So what is America to do about the rising tide of horror in almost entirely urban black nightmares like Detroit? Open up an outreach center and handout copies of Friedrich Hayek, Milton Friedman, and Ayn Rand work. 

No matter the trillions spent (up until 1992, when Jared Taylor wrote his seminal work), and the trillions more spent since trying to counter nature's brutal truth, the end-result is still barbarous conditions of depressing squalor.

The brutal truth must now be stated: our attempts to civilize the black population of America (yes, individual blacks were capable of assimilating to white America, but in the absence of whites - as noted by Detroit 2013 - America disappears)  represents the greatest sunk cost in the history of business. After all, wasn't (wait, it still is the primary goal) the American Government in the business of attempting to trick nature with the nurturing redistribution of the white man's taxes?

Jared Taylor's culminating chapter, "What is to be done?", is a question that still goes unanswered.

"White people exercising self-determination": The Push for St. George in Baton Rouge

Crime has a color in Baton Rouge, the capital of Louisiana.

Misery has a color in Baton Rouge.

Homicide has a color in Baton Rouge.

White people make a stand in Baton Rouge, try to incorporate new city

It's black, black, and  black.

Just like white people in North Fulton hoping to secede from black Atlanta, white people in Baton Rouge are looking to incorporate a city of their own.

Start over.

Start fresh.

See their hard work and tax dollars go to build their community, instead of being redistributed to the black community (helping augment crime, misery, and the people who keep homicide detectives employed).

And they picked a great name, too. [St. George, La.: One group's quest for a new city could determine the fate of metropolitan Baton Rouge, NOLA.com, 11-19-2013]:

The conflict also threatens to deepen long-standing divisions of class and race that continue to permeate life in East Baton Rouge Parish and simmer just below the surface of the fight over St. George.

Though the campaign doesn’t talk about it in these terms, a predominantly white and middle-class area of south Baton Rouge is attempting to secede from a school system and a city that is majority African-American, and includes the poorest residents of the parish.

In East Baton Rouge Parish, “you have a separation that is both based on race and class, and this would really perpetuate that,” said Albert Samuels, an associate professor of political science at Southern University. “Some of these supporters of this effort to incorporate St. George and create a school district, they have the temerity to say with a straight face that this has nothing to do with race. But they’re acting as if the previous 50 or 60 years of history in this town have absolutely no consequence for where we stand now.”

Proponents of the St. George movement say no one should accuse them of wanting to break away from anything. The geographic footprint of St. George has never been a part of incorporated Baton Rouge and, they point out, the city isn't planning to bolt from East Baton Rouge Parish. Given that, how can they be leaving something they were never a part of?

The campaign’s organizers paint a rosy picture of a local government and school district that are 1) responsive to the needs of its citizens and 2) flush with cash.

For many who live in the St. George area and support incorporation, Baton Rouge’s centralized, metropolitan form of government doesn’t reflect their values. They’re rallying around the cry that two-thirds of the parish’s tax dollars are generated in the St. George area, but only one-third is invested back into the community there. And they want a small, efficient local government that’s right there in their neighborhood.

“We believe that we can set a model, not only for the state of Louisiana,” said Lionel Rainey, another of the St. George effort organizers. “We can set a model of governance for the United States of America that many other cities can follow.”

But for every step that the St. George supporters make sound easy, opponents raise more questions. What will the budget look like? Will St. George residents be asked to raise taxes? How will they afford to build new schools?

“(Residents) are being asked to make decisions in the dark because those kinds of things have not been provided,” said Belinda Davis, president of One Community, One School District, a group of parents and other community members who oppose the St. George initiative. “Until they are, they should be saying no, because an uninformed decision can lead to drastic consequences.”

 Without white America, black America is bankrupt; it is Detroit 2013.

"White people exercising self-determination." The most powerful five words in the English language

This is the dilemma black Baton Rouge and opponents of the incorporation of St. George find themselves in, as they stand against white people exercising self-determination. 

"White people exercising self-determination."

For their posterity, dedicating their lives (saying f--k their sacred honor, knowing in a world governed by Black-Run America they'll still be considered a racist no matter what they do) and heritage to ensuring Detroit 2013 is a scenario never to befall any American city again.

That's what the incorporation of St. George is all about, those five simple words that, when put together, make the world tremble.

"White people exercising self-determination."

The world... trembles.

That can't allowed, for it might give those white slaves an idea or two. [St. George report lays out 'potentially harmful' impacts of proposed new city in East Baton Rouge Parish, NOLA.com, 12-1-13]:

The formation of the new city of St. George could put the finances of the rest of East Baton Rouge Parish and its school district in peril, and put a border around a much wealthier and whiter part of the parish, according to a new report commissioned by the Baton Rouge Area Chamber and Baton Rouge Area Foundation.

The incorporation of St. George could cause a $53 million hit to the general fund of the city of Baton Rouge and the remaining unincorporated parts of East Baton Rouge Parish -- a blow that report author and LSU economist James Richardson said could force the city-parish to raise taxes on those remaining outside of St. George. The report also says police and fire services in Baton Rouge are likely to be cut.
"It would be very hard to cut their budget by $53 million," Richardson told NOLA.com | The Times-Picayune. "They're going to have to raise revenues."

The report is the first publicly released, systematic look at how the formation of the new city in the southern part of East Baton Rouge Parish would affect the rest of the area. But it still leaves many specifics about the impacts unaddressed, primarily emphasizing that there is uncertainty and residents should be aware that this is a major decision that would have significant, “potentially harmful” results.

The demographics of the new city of St. George are very different from the city of Baton Rouge, as the report provides the first analysis of the two areas. The new city of St. George would be about 70 percent white, 23 percent black and 4 percent Asian -- a much higher percentage of white residents than Baton Rouge, which is about 55 percent black, 40 percent white and 3 percent Asian.

The numbers could be seen as giving credence to some opponents of the St. George initiative who portray it as an effort by white residents to divide themselves from the poor, black population of Baton Rouge. State Sen. Bodi White of Central, speaking on behalf of the St. George organizers at a Baton Rouge Press Club luncheon last week, responded to those claims by saying it’s not about race -- it’s about middle-class residents looking for a way to get their children a good education when they can’t afford private schools.

"White people exercising self-determination."

It's not about the economy. It's not about 'good schools' or 'safe streets'.

It's about the right to exist, to stave off the inevitable result of black-political rule and the complete demise of the economy, good schools, and safe streets.

It's about self-determination for whites. 

"No matter how much he begs, never feed him after midnight."The Indy Star Profiles 8-year-old Damarcus Cole, the black Gizmo of Indianapolis

Ever seen Gremlins?  Perhaps the most inappropriate movie ever made with Christmas as a setting, Gremlins tells the story of a strange, cute critter (Mogwai) that spawns malicious gremlins that terrorize a city and almost annihilate it as their numbers increase. The main Mogwai, named Gizmo, is good. But his owners fail to abide by the rules laid down by a strange Chinamen, whose grandson warns:

1. Don't put it near light, especially sunlight, it can kill them.
2. Don't let it get wet with water nor give it any water to drink nor bathe it.
3. No matter how much it cries or begs, NEVER feed it after midnight.

 The good white liberal writers at the Indy Star have published a story that has the odoriferous stench of Thomas Malthus' ghost all over it, though on closer inspection it resembles the script for a world where those evil spawns from Gizmo took over.

Purporting to tell the story of an 8-year-old black male, Damarcus Cole, and his family's struggle to survive in black Indianapolis, it's actually a story that showcases why some form of those three rules for caring for a Mogwai should also cover the government subsidizing the black underclass. [A family's journey to escape violence in Indianapolis, Indy Star, 11-23-13]:

Eight-year-old Damarcus Cole sees a woman out his kitchen window, struggling to open an apartment door, screaming.

It sounds as if she's shouting someone's name.

Damarcus, who minutes earlier had been sinking threes through a portable hoop upstairs, thumps back up 14 steps to rejoin his little brother. He peers out their bedroom window.

Two boys sprint away from the playground, out the back gate, their figures shrinking in Damarcus' eyes.

Damarcus can't see why they're running, but many residents of the 164-unit complex can. The 911 calls come quickly.

"Please send somebody, please!" a woman yells.

"Keep breathing baby," another screams. "Keep breathing baby!"

Damarcus hears none of it. He steps outside and starts playing tag with his 4-year-old brother. The beige brick walls of the apartment building shield him from the chaos on the playground. When nearly a dozen kids gather at a nearby bush, though, Damarcus and his brother follow.

Now the playground is visible. Damarcus, realizing something is seriously wrong, tells his brother to stop hitting him. At just over 4 feet tall, Damarcus can't quite see what "it" is, but he knows what's there.

He dashes to his apartment and peeks inside. "Mama!" he yells. "There's a dead body in the park!"

Horrified, Tyeisha Tillman runs downstairs and out the screen door.

Damarcus, his brother and three sisters — then ages 2 to 12 — are standing near the bush on the 83-degree July afternoon, watching with the other kids.

Damarcus gazes across the dandelion-filled grass, past the wooden edge of the playground, to the rock-covered mulch beneath the two swings.

There lies his neighbor — James Johnson, 16. A woman runs toward Johnson and sees his neck spattered with blood, eyes glazed open. "Who did it, James?" a friend desperately asks. Damarcus can't hear their cries or see the blood. Just a boy lying on his side next to a baby swing, his hands clasped over his rib cage, shot dead.

"Go in the house!" Damarcus' mother yells. "Don't look!"

But it's too late.

The killing is the third at the complex in two months, and Tillman has run out of patience. She swears she will get her family the "H-E-double L" out of Hawthorne Place, the Indianapolis Housing Agency complex they've called home for five years.
"I just cannot stay here," she insists, "another 30 days." But she will.

Your friends will be your downfall'

The statistics facing low-income African-American families are grim but common: This year in Marion County, 49 people between the ages of 16 and 24 have been killed. Nearly 85 percent — or 41 of them — were black males.

Damarcus and Tillman are just two of the countless bystanders affected by those numbers, people whose lives are altered in untold ways: children whose earliest perceptions are formed in a cauldron of violence, mothers who struggle to escape despite painfully limited options.

Growing up around that struggle is, as Damarcus simply puts it, "bad."

So Damarcus' parents worry. They're trying to raise five children and they worry about them all. But when you ask whom they worry about most, they don't hesitate. It's Damarcus, their goofy son who douses himself with Axe body spray to feel older, the boy who oozes confidence and pride around his siblings, but is also slow to see danger, and quick to follow others.

The preteen years are a vulnerable time. The average age that the black youths killed in Marion County this year were first arrested is 14.Johnson, the neighbor who was killed, first appeared in police reports at age 10.

When Tillman and Everett moved to Hawthorne Place in October 2008, they were desperate. Nearly five months earlier, a tornado had torn through their quiet apartment complex known as Falcon Point, ripping off the backside of their roof and soaking their new $600 couch and love seat.

Tillman had two kids, including Damarcus, by the time she met Everett. They had three together.

Tillman calls the tornado the hardest hit the young family ever took. They moved into her mother's home for a week and then a hotel. She looked at apartments across the city, but landlord after landlord rejected her because she had lost her job. Other apartments cost too much.

The family was thrilled — but also reluctant — when Hawthorne Place had an opening.
The stereotype that comes with Hawthorne Place — poor families sponging taxpayer money, or, as one resident says, "people that just don't try" — can be hard to break.

"A lot of people around here really are ghetto as hell," says Tillman, 29. The family has been awakened at night by screeching tires, shattered bottles and drunken fights. A few doors from their apartment, a bullet once pierced a woman's bedroom wall, missing her then 6-year-old daughter's head by 3 inches.

Some, including Tillman, blame the chaos on a lack of parenting. The 271 teens and kids in the complex outnumber adults by nearly 100. And single moms dominate, with 164 women aged 18 or older — compared to only 17 men.

 But Tillman prides herself on keeping the apartment clean and paying the bills on time. Her family hugs, watches movies and eats spaghetti dinners together. She watches the kids, and prefers to keep details of whether her family receives public assistance to herself — "it's nobody's business," she says. Everett, a stern but sometimes comical 32-year-old, works as an apartment maintenance technician on the Westside for $12.50 an hour. He says he simply wants the best for the kids.

Tillman puts the responsibility for protecting her children on herself. The only way Damarcus loses, she says, is if she fails as a parent.

"I'm gonna try and not give up," she said. "I don't care where we live at, what gang is around, what they're trying to start. I don't care. Like I said it comes to the parent — them doing the job or not."

Everett agrees. But he puts more responsibility on Damarcus. He realizes he can't shield the boy from death and sirens forever. So he and Tillman hope Damarcus hears their advice:

"Swallow them tears and chuck it up."

"Learn how to do your own thing."

"Your friends will be your downfall."

 Just like cute little Mogwai from the Gremlins, the Indy Star tries to position Damarcus Cole as the black Gizmo of Indianapolis. But you can't base social policy on individuals. Those Mogwai's multiple. [Mark Russell: We can't accept everyday murder in Indy, Indy Star, 2-11-13]:

The definition of murder is "to slaughter wantonly; slay; to put an end to." Unfortunately, if you are a black male in Indiana or if you are the parent, sibling, cousin, friend or acquaintance of a black male in Indiana, you know all too well the impact this six-letter word has in terms of lives lost and opportunities vanquished.

Black males in Indiana die at a frighteningly high rate, as a study of The Star's Marion County homicide map will attest.

Since 2011 there has been a murder on the first day of every new year, and a black male were recorded as the first victim each time. As of Feb. 7, 11 of the 13 recorded homicides for 2013 involved black males. Of the 110 Marion County homicides in 2011, 67, or 61 percent, of the victims were black males. Of the 112 homicide victims in 2012, 60, or nearly 54 percent, were black males.

 Indianapolis.

Well, black Indianapolis: a demographic group full of children like Damarcus Cole, whose horrific state of civilization is a reminder that Thomas Malthus was right.The undertow mustn't be fed after midnight; when you subsidize the black population, the end result will always be the world found in Detroit 2013.