The Return of Fort Apache to New York City. Bill de Blasio's 'Big Apple', Where Whiteness will be a Liability

Just who is excited about the election of Bill de Blasio in New York City? [De Blasio Elected Next New York City Mayor in Landslide: First Democrat to Win City Hall Since David Dinkins in 1989, NY Times, 11-6-13]:

The victory—by one of the widest margins in a New York City mayoral election in the past century—reflected overwhelming support for Mr. de Blasio from virtually every demographic. According to an Edison Research exit poll, 96% of black voters and up to 85% of Latino voters backed Mr. de Blasio. He won the support of 90% of Democrats, 16% of Republicans and nearly half of voters who are unaffiliated or belong to another party, the exit poll showed.

Okay. 

So black and brown people in New York (along with Disingenuous White Liberals, who hope to feel moral superior to white Republican voters in the Big Apple). 

Consulting the graph above (created by the good folks at SBPDL), notice gun crime in New York City is 97 percent or greater non-white. [Gun Confiscation in New York City? A City Where, since 2008, 97 percent or more of Gun-Crime Has Been By Non-Whites?, SBPDL, 11-29-13]

You see, de Blasio is going to liberate non-whites from the burden of profiling (you know, stop-and-frisk). It's 1865 all over again in New York City! [Many Black New Yorkers Are Seeing de Blasio’s Victory as Their Own, NY Times,  11-10-13]:

A black janitor in Brooklyn almost shouted out the name when asked about his vote in the mayoral race. Bill de Blasio, he said, “knows my struggle.”

In the Bronx, some African-American voters defaulted to a shorthand: “the man with the black wife.” Nobody thought it necessary to explain whom they meant.

And in a Brooklyn housing project, a lifelong resident said he was tired of mayors who, in his mind, had pitted blacks against whites. Mr. de Blasio, he declared, “is black and white.”

Of all the records shattered by Mr. de Blasio’s landslide victory, perhaps the most remarkable is that virtually every vote cast by black New Yorkers — 96 percent — went his way. He captured a bigger portion of the black vote than David N. Dinkins in 1989 when he was elected New York City’s first black mayor with 91 percent of the black vote, according to exit polls.

Alright. 

So the whole, 'color-blind' meme is dead; long-live the return of race-centric thinking (white people aren't allowed in these terms, though).

New York City is preparing to get a good look at a world where whiteness is a liability (more to the point, where the new executive in charge of the government actively campaigned against law and order). 

The future is coming back to the present...

Why don't we take a look at the type of world black and brown people have created before in New York City. Let's take a look at the type of world the ancestors of the people who overwhelmingly helped elect de Blasio into the mayors office created in 1970s New York City. 

In fact, it will be a mere 2.5 square miles, with 60 miles of streets. Population 171,000 - 192,000 Puerto Ricans, 73,000 blacks, and 6,00 designated as others. (p. 13, Fort Apache Bronx, NY: "Life at the 41st Precinct" by Tom Walker).

In "Return To Fort Apache: Memoir of an NYPD Captain," Tom Walker reflects on the demographic setting of the area:

When you thought of New York, you imagined Manhattan as its mansion, Staten Island and Queens as its lawns and Brooklyn as its scullery. The Bronx became the city’s jakes.

Don’t attach bitterness to this observation. The reason for the Bronx’s condition was as much geographical as it was social. When the great post-war emigration from the city began, the Bronx became a junction for those moving north to Westchester and Connecticut, or west to Northern New Jersey. True, the well-to-do had established themselves in Riverdale, along the Hudson River, or moved up to Jerome Avenue and the Grand Concourse. But as the population of blacks and Puerto Ricans grew and moved across the Harlem River, those whites fleeing the central city leap-frogged the borough. Those that had settled there, the Irish and the Italians who had sought the Bronx’s greenery after experiencing the ghettos themselves, moved again. It was natural for the newcomers to discover the Bronx. Most of the major subway lines follow a north-south axis. This made travel easy for those who lacked cars or needed inexpensive transportation. When rents were raised, families increased in size or buildings became uninhabitable, they boarded the uptown IRT and headed north.

That’s when the legend began. The exit point for many of the blacks and Puerto Ricans from Manhattan’s Upper East Side was the Willis Avenue Bridge, the Third Avenue Bridge and the 138^th Street Bridge. Two IRT lines, The Jerome Avenue and the Pelham Bay lines snaked through the area. So the path these immigrants followed led to the South Bronx. And there they stuffed themselves into rotting tenements and learned on those cruel streets that the world offered them no more north of the river than it did south of the river.

As urban renewal eliminated many lower income from Manhattan’s West Side, the problem became aggravated. Many of them were pushed into the same area of the Bronx and they brought their problems and frustrations with them. A part of that section was designated by the police as the 41^st Precinct; the Four-one.

Some newcomers brought conspicuous vices: prostitution; drug addiction; alcoholism, and nearly all forms of petty and violent crime. By the late 1960’s, the four-one earned the dubious distinction of being the roughest precinct in the police department. It exceeded all other precincts in most of the classifications of serious crimes. A policeman assigned to the precinct quickly lost any sense of disbelief. It all happened in the four-one and you just had to cope with it. The precinct became a sort of outpost of civilization, as we understand the world. So the legend began.

In the late 60’s Lt Lloyd Gittens christened the precinct, “Fort Apache.” The incredible barbarity, the viciousness, the self-destructive vice far exceeded that found in more publicized areas of the New York such as Harlem or Bedford Stuyvesant. In fact, the murder rate of this area exceeded such substantial cities as Kansas City and Miami. If ever an area of humanity had, however unconsciously, decided to let the 20^th century sweep by unnoticed, it was the four-one.

A great many slums in our major urban areas have been compared to hell, but all those areas possessed some redeeming factors. Vast areas of habitable housing still stood; the family structure remained intact; a sense of community preserved and there were always ways out and upward toward the stability of the middle class. None of these factors existed in the four-one. Life became less valuable than a subway token. (p. 32-33)

The people who created the conditions in Precinct 41 (necessitating the name Fort Apache for the police department building there) are the same people who overwhelmingly elected de Blasio.

Jared Taylor's 1992 book Paved With Good Intentions: The Failure of Race Relations in Contemporary America offers another glimpse into the type of world the people who overwhelming helped elect de Blasio created in New York City's public school system:

The New York City school system spends $60 million every year on security guards'-$60 million that is not spent on laboratory equipment, band instruments, or field trips. In 1988 the city began a weapons-detection program that, by 1990, had been ex- tended to fourteen high schools and one junior high school. In 1992 Mayor Dinkins announced he would try to find another $28 million to pay for metal detectors and X-ray machines at another thirty-five schools. Student activities coordinators, who used to organize dances and other good times, now see their main job as trying to prevent violence.

 In the five years to 1992, fifty students at Thomas Jefferson High School in Brooklyn died, most of them violently. The school maintains a "burial fund" to help indigent parents inter their children, and a classroom has been permanently set aside for use by grieving friends. It was hardly a surprise when a black state assemblyman from Brooklyn, Roger Green, decided to send his teenage son to live in Georgia, where he hoped to go to school without being shot at.

Besides the constant fear of violence, New York City's poorer children are surrounded by other abominations. At Public School 40 in the Bronx, there is so much prostitution in the streets that children must sometimes be held late while they wait for the fornications to finish. Drug dealing creates so much traffic that the police have put up barricades to try to stop the flow. Even so, every morning the children are treated to the spectacle of addicts lining up to buy drugs.

At Public School 43 in the Bronx, the sun never shines into many of the classrooms. Teachers keep the shades drawn and push students' desks away from the windows. This is because an abandoned lot across from the school has become an open-air market for drugs and sex. If the children could look out the windows they would see addicts pushing needles into their arms and crack users copulating. (p. 324-325)

 The old cliche the inmates run the asylum isn't far from the truth. 

Fort Apache, thy name is wherever you find whites retreating to in de Blasio's New York City.

Civilization died once whites left Walker's 41st Precinct; civilization died once whites abandoned the New York City Public School System (roughly 14.3 percent white today).

And these are the people responsible for ushering in the era of de Blasio.