This website will serve to educate the general public on Black people and the Stuff That Black People Don't Like. Black people have many interesting eccentricities, which include disliking a litany of everyday events, places, household objects and other aspects of their everyday life.
Black people are an interesting subject matter and this website will chronicle the many problems in life that agitate this group of people.
To suggest material, please contact sbpdl1@gmail.com
Black Hair Weave Thieves in Atlanta give new meaning to the term "Hair Lift"
You have to love Black people. Smash and Grab robberies across Atlanta at a variety of different retailers and businesses is becoming an increasingly common phenomenon. Liquor stores? Check.
Hair weaves stores? Check. Because Black women hate their own hair so much, a lucrative smash and grab industry is burgeoning across the city. It's a growth industry (smash and grab for hair weaves), with increasingly aggressive tactics being utilized by Black people to procure beautiful hair weaves.
Thieves targeting expensive hair weaves smashed a vehicle through the front of a West End beauty supply store before daybreak Tuesday.
The break-in at Angie’s Beauty Supply and Salon in the 1100 block of Ralph David Abernathy Boulevard in southwest Atlanta was the latest in a string of smash-and-grab burglaries where thieves stole hair extensions. Burglars drove a Jeep Grand Cherokee through the front doors of the store as well as a iron security gate, doing extensive structural damage to the business, which is in a strip shopping center near Joseph Lowery Boulevard.
Once inside, they made a beeline for the wall where high-dollar “Indi Remi” hair weaves were displayed. “When I walked in, I saw this empty wall, and everything else was fine,” said Won Jung, a cashier at the store. Sheila Carroll is a regular customer at the store, and was outraged when she stopped by Tuesday morning and discovered what had happened.
“I’m raising girls, so we’re always in the beauty supply store,” she said.
“It’s just outrageous how these smash-and-grab thieves would hurt the whole community,” Carroll said. “They think they’re doing something for themselves, they go in here, rob them and go and sell it on the street,” she said. “But you’re hurting everyone in the community. It causes them to go up on their prices.” “I wish it would stop,” Carroll said.
While store employees didn’t yet know how much merchandise was taken in Tuesday’s burglary, other similar heists have netted the thieves as much as $50,000 in extensions.
Last Tuesday, three thieves smashed their way into the Beauty Masters II store in the Camp Creek Marketplace shopping center on Camp Creek Parkway.
Security video showed the trio frantically grabbing single-strand weaves from shelves before fleeing with hair valued at $50,000.
On June 18, thieves also broke into another beauty supply store owned by the same individual, the Beauty Master store on Headland Drive near Greenbriar Parkway.
In that break-in, four burglars who were in a black Chevrolet Suburban smashed out two front entry doors with a rock, then went straight to the display of Remi hair extensions on the wall behind the front counter. Store manager Lucien Poko estimated the loss at $30,000.
Just weeks before that heist, burglars made off with an estimated $10,000 in hair extensions from the Beauty Emporium store on Riverdale Road in Clayton County.
Three books that deal with the seemingly innocuous subject of the history of college football inadvertently offer the blueprint for the origins of Black-Run America (BRA), the society we live in right now.
Those books are Black 14: The Rise, Fall, and Rebirth of Wyoming Football by Ryan Thorburn; War As They Knew It: Woody Hayes, Bo Schembechler, and America in a Time of Unrest by Michael Rosenberg; and Bowled Over: Big-Time College Football from the Sixties to the BCS Era by Michael Oriard.
All deal with in varied ways with discussing the integration of college football programs in the Southeastern Conference (SEC), Atlanta Coast Conference (ACC) and the amazing cultural changes that were sweeping the nation in the late 1960s resulting in the capitulation by white America into each and every demand made by Black radicals and Communist agitators Disingenuous White Liberals who used the campus as their battleground.
They also describe the specific challenges of integrating white college football teams with Black athletes, and the special problems that such changes brought to the university, such as the extreme difficulties of maintaining discipline across racial lines when any attempt to punish Black athletes who strayed from the rules was greeted with cries of racism.
At Oregon State in February 1969, a black linebacker named Fred Milton was suspended from the teamafter an assistant coach spotted him on campus with a moustache and goatee, in violation of the team's ban on facial hair. Black students on campus responded with a boycott of classes, many of them left the university, and both the football team and the institution struggled for years afterward against a reputation for racial intolerance. Two months later, 16 black players at the University of Iowa boycotted a spring practice and were suspended; seven were reinstated in August. That summer, John Underwood wrote a three-part series forSports Illustrated titled "The Desperate Coach," describing the incidents at Oregon State and Iowa, along with dozens of lesser ones in athletic programs throughout the country, as a full-scale assault on coaches' authority. "In the privacy of their offices," Underwood wrote, "over breakfast in strange towns, wherever two or three coaches get together, they talk about The Problem."
Then came the season itself. At the University of Wyoming, coach Lloyd Eaton suspended a group—what became known as the "Black 14"—that pushed to wear armbands at a home game against BYU to protest the Mormon Church's racial doctrines. Next, at the University of Washington, Jim Owens suspended four black players for a lack of commitment to him and his program. Finally, at Indiana University, coach John Pont, with considerably more reluctance, suspended 16 black players (eventually reinstating four) after they boycotted a practice.
The demands by militant Black leaders, radical white leftists, and professional agitators would have the country on edge in the late-1960s. Interestingly, with most college football rosters only sporting a handful of Black players, these ebony athletes could use solidarity to force the Predominately White Institutions (PWI) administration and the white football coaches to give in to their demands if they hoped to keep from being called a "racist" institution of higher learning.
As you learn in War as They Knew It, radical Black protests on the campus of the University of Michigan forced (page 60):
... the administration capitulating to almost every major BAM [Black Action Movement] demand. Fleming [the president of Michigan at the time] promised that black enrollment would increase to 10 percent by the fall of 1973. He also promised to increase student aid to blacks and to recruit more black faculty members. The vice president of the United States, Spiro Agnew, immediately ripped into the school's "surrender," calling it"a callous retreat from reality."
Agnew is right. The move was "surrender" on the part of the University of Michigan, and because the university had a substantial number of Black football players many alumni and members of the student body were worried what would happen to the school's reputation (and ability to keep and continue recruiting Black athlete-students) if the demands weren't met.
Since academically qualified Black students can't be found in sufficient numbers, Michigan's Black enrollment has never reached 10 percent; since distinguished Black faculty members outside of the African-American studies discipline can't be found in sufficient numbers, few members of the Michigan faculty are Black.
Ohio State would be hit with a huge Black protest in the same year that would force the cancellation of classes for two weeks. According to War as They Knew It (page 61-64):
Many people at Ohio State would forget, even a month later, what started it all. It was a list of black demands. Afro-Am, a black student organization at Ohio State, wanted increased black enrollment; a black cultural center on campus; a spot in the School of Journalism building for their publication, Our Chocking Times; and assorted other requests for better representation and access to university resources.
Eventually riots would break out and the National Guard would be brought in to restore order to Ohio State's campus:
In the wake of the riots, Ohio State would establish a minority affairs office, a Department of Black Studies, and a Black Cultural Center. The protestors accomplished their initial goal: to earn a place in the school's power structure riots began. But the school's administration never bought into the notion that the protests had been started in good faith. Administrators also pointed out that many of the protesters were not students at all - they were radicals from other places arrived on campus after the
In an attempt to clear racial tension, Ohio State professor Art Adams, one of [Ohio State Football coach Woody] Hayes's friends, invited the most important campus leaders (naturally, that included Woody) to a dinner to discuss how each would deal with race relations. And when one black activist recited a list of white sins - and started telling everybody what had to change - the Old Man [Hayes] cut him off: "I was putting black kids through college before you were born!"
Woody Hayes did play Black athletes and recruit them to Ohio State in large numbers, before other universities even considered integrating their programs. See this article from The New York Times that discusses Hayes using a Black quarterback in 1973, especially this quote:
His name is Cornelius Greene, and he had a lot in common with [disgraced OSU Black quarterback Terrelle Pryor.
Like Pryor, Greene was a flashy black quarterback who supplanted a successful older starter. Last year, Pryor unseated Todd Boeckman, who had led Ohio State to the 2008 B.C.S. championship game. In 1973, Greene got the job over the senior co-captain Greg Hare, who had led the Buckeyes to the 1972 Big Ten title. But while Pryor’s rise was expected – he might have been the most hyped college football recruit ever – Greene’s was shocking. In 1973, major-college football coaches rarely played any black quarterbacks. The University of Alabama did not even have a black player until 1970. And here was Woody Hayes, one of the most outspoken conservatives anywhere, playing Greene over his established senior.
Greene was not simply black by color; he was a product of 1970s black culture. In high school, he and his teammates attached tassels to the knees of their game pants so the tassels shook when they ran. He also stuck a piece of tape on his helmet with his nickname, Flamboyant, in capital letters.
Greene celebrated his first collegiate touchdown by dancing in the end zone. Hayes’s players did not dance in the end zone. The coach often told his players, “these days everybody wants to do their own thing. (Expletive) doing your own thing.”
Yet Hayes kept Greene in the lineup. He loathed the look-at-me antics of the younger generation, but he was determined to help the first black quarterback in school history succeed.
Before Greene’s second game, against Texas Christian, Hayes held up a T.C.U. team picture and asked his team: “Does anybody know why we’re going to win this game?” The Buckeyes tried to answer: they had better coaches, better players, a better team. Hayes said, “They don’t have enough black players.”
Woody Hayes had Black players on Ohio State's football team as early as 1954, and one only has to use simple economics to understand that when the demand at PWIs for Black athletes was low, the supply of quality Black student-athletes would be high. Judging by Ohio State's recent problems with Black athlete-students on the football program (which brought down coach Jim Tressel), it's obvious that when all universities try and recruit Black athletes from the limited number of academically eligible Black males who graduate high school, the supply of quality, high character Black athletes is extremely low.
The high character of the initial Black recruits to the college campuses of Ohio State, Michigan, and eventually SEC schools like Auburn, Alabama, Florida and ACC schools like Florida State and Miami have been completely drowned out by Black athletes who have no business attending anything called an institution for higher learning.
The 1969 Wyoming Football Team
The Black Undertow can swallow up college football programs - even at PWIs - once a few high character Black people are allowed to participate in the program. This is what happened at the University of Wyoming, the flagship school of the state of Wyoming.
Located in Laramie, Wyoming, the university has a picturesque campus and feels like what 1950s America probably felt like when you visit the town. The university has few Black students now, but in the 1960s (when Wyoming was a national power in football) Black students were even rarer. Because so few big-time college football programs in America recruited Black athletes, Wyoming decided to utilize their labor.
An undefeated and integrated Wyoming team played an all-white LSU squad in the 1968 Sugar Bowl, losing 20-13 (wait, how could an all-white team beat a team with Blacks?). Sure Coach Lloyd Eaton, like Woody Hayes, was able to recruit high quality Black student-athletes to play football at Wyoming. But that was because there wasn't a scarcity of Black student- athletes like there is now, with every school competing for the top talent and most schools relying on academically inept Black athletes to get by. Take Florida State:
According to the ESPN Show "Outside the Lines," the Florida State Seminoles appear to be about everything except education.
In order to win games and make millions, football players are having their majors chosen for them, and many athletes are being conveniently misdiagnosed as learning disabled. One recent episode stated that one-half of all Florida State University football players and three-fourths of their African-American athletes are Social Science majors (indicative of major clustering). One of the academic counselors said that when she started her tenure, there were 15 football players tagged as learning disabled. That number has since spiked to 65.
Black people are overrepresented in special education, because they lack the intellectual ability to compete on the same level of whites, Asians and Hispanics. They have to be classified as something, right? Former FSU coach Bobby Bowden came to rely on these learning disabled Black athlete-students to field a football program, admitting in his book Winning is Only Part of the Game that he began to capitulate to the demands and playing style of his predominately learning disabled Black team. Bowden told Sports Illustrated in 1997:
"An athlete is an athlete, but, dang it, there just seem to be more black athletes than white," says Florida State football coach Bobby Bowden. "We've got a [white] phenomenon on our team, a quarterback named Danny Kendra, whose vertical jump is 39½ inches—more than anybody else we've got. He bench-presses 425 pounds, and his leg press broke the school record. He runs a 4.5 40. But there ain't many like him. And my thinking is that there's a whole lot more blacks who can do that than white guys."
In an article in the Orlando Sentinel, Bowden actually laughed at the thought of white running backs:
When Florida State Coach Bobby Bowden was asked to explain the decline of the white running back, he laughed so hard, he actually grabbed on to the reporter posing the question.
There are plenty of white running backs, but Bowden and most of college football's elite head coaches are too busy going after Black athletes that will require "special admissions" to get into school and will be classified as learning impaired in the process. In a two year time span, Auburn University had two Florida high school white running back studs on its roster, Heath Evans and Tre Smith (more on these guys on Friday).
But back to 1969, the year of great turmoil in not only America, but college football. The Black 14 incident at Wyoming showed how Organized Blackness and the demands of DWLs should have been met. Sadly, it was just one school standing up for what was right against of sea, a veritable onslaught of capitulation by other white institutions.
Oh, it was a beautiful homecoming. The weather was as pretty as the queen, cool and crisp, and nobody minded a little wind. As people strolled from the stadium last Saturday they laughed and talked about how their unbeaten Wyoming had just manhandled San Jose State 16-7, which made it hard to get up a real working anger against those 14 black athletes Coach Lloyd Eaton threw off the team two weeks ago. Coach Eaton had shown those protesters he could win without them. Good riddance, and never mind a lot of talk about civil rights, because this is Wyoming, and out here we do things our way. Like Coach Eaton told those athletes: Boys, if you don't like the way we run things around here then you better go play at Grambling or Morgan State. Yes sir, and wasn't that victory over San Jose State just glorious?
"Yes, it was a glorious victory," said Bill Waterman, smiling thinly, "and now we shall see about the rest." Waterman is an NAACP lawyer out of Detroit, a short, rather round, quiet-spoken man, and he arrived in Laramie, Wyo. last week with the belief that the rights of a student should not be limited just because he is an athlete. His first move will be to seek an injunction against the University of Wyoming in federal court this week. "First we want to get the players reinstated," he said. "Then we'll go from there."
Eaton abruptly dropped the 14 black athletes from the team on Oct. 17, after, he says, they took part in a demonstration against Mormon racial policies, which exclude Negroes from the priesthood of the Mormon Church. Wyoming was to play Brigham Young University, which is run by the Mormons, the following afternoon. Eaton insists that his players act as individuals and not as factions, which he feels splits the team, and he became incensed when the Negro players appeared before him that morning as a group. "They came in together and they came wearing black armbands," he said. "It was simply a matter of discipline. Black or white, it didn't matter to me. They broke the rule and I told them they were no longer members of the team." All his life Eaton has lived by the rules. He is a stern disciplinarian who can neither understand nor forgive a breakdown in team unity. As a boy he had to help his father scratch a living from a tiny ranch in the Black Hills of South Dakota. During the Depression he worked his way through college by sweeping floors for 25 cents an hour. Nobody gave him anything. Nothing came easy for him and he feels that nothing should come easy for those who play under him. Until now his iron discipline has worked and worked well. The last three years Wyoming has been the Western Athletic Conference champion; this year it has won six games, leads the nation in rushing defense and is ranked 16th. Next to two national parks, football—University of Wyoming football—is about the biggest thing in the state. And so, at the university, Eaton has perhaps more influence than Dr. William D. Carlson, the president. He certainly is more popular than Stanley K. Hathaway, the governor. And now he is convinced that he is the target of a Black Power plot.
"We've played Brigham Young for many years," Eaton said one day last week. "Why haven't we had a demonstration before? And we've had Negro players here since 1960. I'll tell you why. This is the first year the Black Student Alliance has been on campus. Now they're organized and ready to act. The WAC was picked because of Brigham Young. And we were picked as the trigger because of our rule against demonstrations. It all fits."
"The whole problem is that no one understands us," said Joe Williams, the Wyoming tailback and one of the team's three captains before he became one of the exiled 14. "If Eaton had, none of this would have happened. His story of a racial plot is ridiculous. We knew about the rule against protest and we went to him on that Friday morning only to see if we couldn't work something out. We felt very deeply about this, but we just wanted to talk to him. We wanted to see if we could wear black armbands in the game, or black socks, or black X's on our helmets. And if he had said no we had already agreed that we would be willing to protest with nothing but our black skins."
Both sides agree they met first in Eaton's office and that the coach took them into the field house. There they stop agreeing. Eaton claims he listened to them for 10 minutes and then told them that they were out. "Like hell he gave us 10 minutes," said Williams. "He came in, sneered at us and yelled that we were off the squad. He said our very presence defied him. He said he has had some good Neeegro boys. Just like that." "Then he said it was stupid for us to be protesting against a faith and a religion none of us knew about," said Willie Hysaw, an ex-receiver. "Talk about stupid! Do you know that Ted Williams [another of the 14] is a Mormon?"
When University President Carlson learned of the dismissals, he called the governor, who drove over from Cheyenne in a snowstorm. A board of trustees meeting was called hastily, and 18 hours later, early Saturday morning, the trustees announced that they were backing Eaton all the way.
Across the state support for Eaton poured in. The cowboy element was angry. When seven members of the faculty said they would resign unless the 14 were reinstated, the Touchdown Club in Casper said it was raising money to get the seven out of the state. The student senate came out in favor of a hearing on the issue—which caused the rest of the students to call for an impeachment of the senate. A faculty-student ad hoc committee was formed to investigate, and then was never heard from again. The school paper came out for the 14, and then Phil White, the editor, resigned. Carlson called a press conference, was backed into admitting, unintentionally, that at Wyoming football came first and civil rights second. When he realized what he had said, the press conference was over. One member of the state legislature said that if Eaton backed down, there would be trouble with the university budget next year. Eaton wasn't about to back down.
Meanwhile, at San Jose State the team voted to wear multicolored armbands against Wyoming in support of the 14, and groups at other WAC schools demanded that Wyoming be dropped from their schedules. "It's building," said Bill Waterman. "All across the country. Building and building. This will be a new day for the college athlete, both black and white."
At Wyoming the Black Student Alliance said it would set up picket lines at the San Jose game. Governor Hathaway said he was ready to call out the National Guard. Everyone was in a panic. The university, in an official letter, which Waterman has, said it understood on good authority that 2,000 Black Panthers were headed for Laramie. "That's not only a lie," said Waterman, "it's criminal."
On Saturday, an hour before the game, Vernon Breazeale, the chief of the Laramie police force, watched as an orderly group of 134 pickets circled 200 feet from the stadium gate. "One thing I want these kids to understand," Breazeale said, "is that we are here to protect them, not to fight with them. Their fight is with the university, not with us. All the football players on the football team are good kids, both the black and white ones. Real gentlemen. I remember another coach we had here. He used to bring in ex-convicts to play. Real hoodlums. Always drunk, always in trouble. We used to club them over the head until the blood ran down the side of their mouths. I'm glad these kids today are different."
He watched as a black girl silently carried a sign that said: "Something is happening here, but you don't understand what it is, do you?"
"I guess that sign says it all," someone said.
"Yeah, I guess so," said Chief Breazeale.
College coaches today are represented by FSU's Bobby Bowden, who relied on learning disabled Black athletes for bling
Had all of America reacted to Organized Blackness the same way as Coach Eaton, we wouldn't be living under Black-Run America now. Sadly, that is not the case. 2009 marked the 40th anniversary of the Black 14 incident and DWLs at their newspapers (here's the Denver Post) gloated over the victory over white injustice:
Forty years ago, BYU and Wyoming met at War Memorial Stadium in Laramie, Wyo., for a football game that turned out to be much more than a game.
It was October, 1969 — a turbulent time in American history, with demonstrations and protests abounding around the country, sparked by the civil rights movement and the Vietnam War.
So when 14 black Wyoming football players decided to wear black armbands for the game against BYU — to protest what they considered to be "racist practices" of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, which owns and operates BYU — and when then-Cowboys coach Lloyd Eaton decided to boot those 14 players, which included seven starters, from the team for that decision, it touched off a maelstrom of controversy and it immediately became a national story. The following week, reporters from media outlets like the New York Times and Sports Illustrated descended upon Laramie to chronicle the episode. And the ramifications of the "Black 14" incident have since resonated for decades.
During the week of the 1969 BYU-Wyoming game, the Black Student Alliance at Wyoming announced it was planning to stage a demonstration outside the stadium against the LDS Church because it did not allow blacks to hold the priesthood (it wasn't until 1978 that blacks were granted that opportunity). The Black 14 insisted on being part of that protest by wearing black armbands as a symbolic gesture, but Eaton rejected that plan and meted out a severe punishment against those players for violating team rules prohibiting players' involvement in protests.
Marc Lyons, who was BYU's starting quarterback in 1969, remembers staying at the Holiday Inn in Laramie the night before the game and hearing people throw bottles at the hotel. On game day, the Cougars encountered protestors as they arrived at War Memorial Stadium.
"It was definitely a strange atmosphere," said Lyons, a longtime color analyst for KSL Radio who will be in Laramie when BYU visits Wyoming on Saturday (noon, The mtn.). "It was hard to understand. A lot of our players weren't LDS. It was odd that this was happening at a football game.
"We were the news. ... It was the first time we encountered protesters. People were holding signs as we got to the stadium to play. We walked through those people and they were badgering us a little bit.
"There was a girl who had a sign, something about the Mormons, and she misspelled the word 'Mormon.' It was a little bit unnerving, a little bit comical," Lyons said. "The strangest part was that it didn't seem at all like a game that day. There was a lot of other stuff going on. It was a different atmosphere, that's for sure." At that time, Wyoming was a dominant team in the Western Athletic Conference while the Cougars were perennial also-rans. Yet going into that contest, BYU was confident about its chances for victory because it knew the Cowboys had lost seven starters.
"We were kind of excited. We thought, 'Man, we're going to beat those guys,' " Lyons recalled. Instead, the incident, at least on that day, galvanized the rest of Wyoming's team. "Once the game started, man, they got all over us," Lyons said. "I was surprised about that. They beat us pretty good."
Indeed, the Cowboys, who were unbeaten and ranked in the top 10, crushed the Cougars, 40-7.
From there, however, the two programs started courses in opposite directions and Wyoming football was never the same. From 1966-1968, the Cowboys had won 27 games, but over the next seven seasons, they won only 24 times and suffered six consecutive losing campaigns. After playing in the 1968 Sugar Bowl, Wyoming didn't play in another bowl game until 1987.
BYU, on the other hand, went on to become the WAC's dominant team from the late 1970s through the 1990s. Through the years, many Wyoming fans saw BYU as being responsible for the Cowboys' demise. Kevin McKinney, a Cheyenne native and Wyoming graduate, is the senior associate athletic director at Wyoming. He's also the longtime color analyst for Cowboy radio broadcasts. McKinney, who was on the school's sports information staff in 1969, said the Black 14 incident had a long-lasting influence that went far beyond football.
"It had an incredible impact on the football program and it had an incredible impact on those kids (who were kicked off the team)," McKinney said. "They had a terrible time going to school anywhere. It was a tragic thing, really. It impacted a program, but it impacted a lot of young men, too. That was the sad thing. The wins and losses were the shallow part of it. The real crux of it was the impact it had on those kids and their teammates."
Like many Wyoming fans, McKinney had a difficult time coming to terms with the incident.
"I live and die Wyoming. I was born there, I was raised there, I went to school there," he said. "It's hard for me. It was amazingly bitter because Wyoming football was everything to the fans and the students." It wasn't until years after the incident that McKinney met up with one of those Black 14 players and they talked about what happened in 1969 and its aftermath.
"He told me how he couldn't go to college anywhere because nobody would take him," McKinney said. "I got a real perspective on what courage it took to stand up for what he believed in. Those kids loved the game. They gave that all up. So I kind of changed my mind about it."
Just this week, a symposium was held on the Wyoming campus about the Black 14 incident. McKinney was among those on the panel. The auditorium was packed with students eager to learn about that painful time in the school's history.
"People need to know about it," McKinney said. "It was 40 years ago. That's a long time. But I was amazed at the turnout at this (symposium). It was very interesting to be part of that. I didn't know that, 40 years later, we'd still be talking about it. But it was as big as anything."
In a sane world, Coach Eaton (who was a strict authoritarian) would have a statue built for his principled stand for decency. In our world, the Black 14 have a statue in Laramie dedicated to them; Bobby Bowden, who enjoyed a career exploiting academically unfit Black athletes (who were learning impaired and required cheating just to pass classes and stay eligible), most having no business attending college, has had his recruiting methodology and coaching tactics replicated by hundreds of white coaches across the nation.
Like Bowden, they laugh at the idea of recruiting a white running back or white skilled player, believing that Black athletes with abysmal academic qualifications - a large percentage having character issues as well - are what is needed to win.
America is forever in the shadow of its perceived racist past. Nothing we do to amend real or imagined injustices against Black people will ever be good enough. We can never make up for the past, and "the Blacks" will continue to proclaim discrimination is transpiring in the present.
In 1969, white football coaches got a taste of that; only one, Wyoming coach Lloyd Eaton, dared say "fuck off."
For the sake of this great nation, let's hope we reach a point where some statesmen has the audacity to say just that. If not, statues will keep going up to men like Bobby Bowden.
People write me and ask, "Why do you keep writing about college football? No one cares." Actually, they do. Later today you'll learn about the unrest that recently recruited Black athlete-students brought to Predominately White Institutions (PWI) in the late 1960s, culminating in the infamous Black 14 incident at the University of Wyoming. You'll also get a look at the University of Arkansas, much like yesterday's history of the LSU football program.
I love the state of Wyoming; the people are real, honest, and decent. They have nothing to gain from being part of Black-Run America (BRA), and it was in 1969 that they got the first taste of what Organized Blackness - led by Disingenuous White Liberals - would try and do to create a permanent culture of BRA (initiating an entitlement culture) for Black people on the campus of the state's flagship university.
So many other universities had problems with their Black athlete-students (a small minority of the football teams at that point) at schools like Iowa, Oregon State, Michigan, and Ohio State that the administrations of these various schools would completely capitulate to every demand made by Organized Blackness.
Flash-forward to Organized Blackness in 2011. The fear of upsetting Organized Blackness by merely pointing out rampant Black criminality (such as the Knockout King in St. Louis that is now terrorizing bicyclists there, the same evolution that Flash Mobs Mahogany Mobs of Black people in Philadelphia have moved toward) keeps any conservative leader from daring to criticize the morbid state of the Black community.
The Blaze (theblaze.com) reports that Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) members, in their tour of cities with high Black unemployment, have stated that members of the Tea Party and white people in general wish to return to the era of Jim Crow, with Blacks hanging from trees, and a completely removal of Black people's extra-equal rights.
Never mind that most conservatives - trust me, I know a lot of these people - will castrate themselves in a bid to garner just four percent more of the Black vote, throwing out anyone from their ranks who dares dissent with this moral objective. Politico recently ran a hilarious piece showing that, no matter what he does, 'the Blacks' will still support Mein Obama with monolithic zeal:
If there’s anything close to a political certainty in 2012, it’s that Barack Obama will get more than 90 percent of the African-American vote.
“You can spend a lot of time trying to win over white independents, but if you don’t pay attention to your base, African Americans, if you have not locked up your base yet, you’ve got a serious problem,” said CNN contributor Roland Martin.
“African-Americans will vote for him again, 88, 92, 95 percent. The question is what’s the turnout? I’ll vote for you. But will I bring ten other people along, like I did in 2008? That’s the danger here for him. He doesn’t have the historical factor to lean on as much in 2012 as he did in 2008… And the first step, is that he has to be willing to speak to this audience, black people.”
Roland Martin is a rotund bigot, who only supports Mein Obama because they both are eligible for the Paper Bag Test.
Eric "My People" Holder has made it perfectly clear that racial attacks by Black people on white people across the nation (including white people being pulled from their cars by 'the Blacks' at the Wisconsin State Fair in Milwaukee) are of little concern to the Department of (in) Justice.
There is quite simply no way for a politically correct society to grasp these events, much less effectively deal with them. Liberals have reached the depths of self-deception and self-censorship in response. The Washington Post, New York Times, and the Chicago Tribune, have all openly stated that they will refuse to report on the racial facts of these violent crimes. The Los Angeles Times explains that they don't want to "unfairly stigmatize racial groups." They prefer the soft bigotry of low expectations instead.
White America could have stopped all of this back in the 1960s, but they capitulated to Black demands (pressed on by DWLs). We are reaching a point where more and more Black demands are being made to augment programs specifically created to help advance Black people.
Thus the need to write about college football and show the correlation to what is transpiring now - with demands from Organized Blackness coming quick and fast to offset social unrest now- with what transpired when integration finally came to the Southeastern Conference and Black athletes and radical Black leaders demanded change and standards lowered on campuses across the nation in the late 1960s.
Quick Note: Read this article on the University of Miami deserving the death penalty and this article on BYU safety Daniel Sorensen who stated "white boys" are coming down south to beat Ole Miss this coming Saturday.
White running back Jacob Hester: LSU alumni and fans favorite Tiger Player
In 2011, Louisiana State University (LSU) will start four white players ( out of 11 players starting on offense and 11 players starting on defense for a total of 22) and 18 Black players.
Forty years ago, LSU would field its last team of all-white players before finally integrating in 1972 by playing Mike Williams (who they had signed in 1971).
John Ed Bradley, a writer for Sports Illustrated and The New York Times, played at LSU in the late 1970s and wrote a book about his experiences called It Never Rains in Tiger Stadium. On page 243 of that book upon reuniting with teammates he hadn't seen in 30 years, Bradley tells a story meeting the family of fellow LSU offensive lineman, the late Charles McDuff:
When dad played, I think it meant a lot more to be an LSU football player than it does today," John (one of Charles's sons) says. "Now the players look at college as a step to the pros, but back then it was enough just to wear that uniform and be on the team."
That LSU team was overwhelmingly white; the LSU team that will take the field in Dallas against the University of Oregon this coming Saturday will be overwhelmingly Black.
LSU, located in Baton Rouge, is the flagship university in the state of Louisiana. Boasting an enrollment of 28,000 (76 percent white and nine percent Black), LSU's football program won two national titles in the first decade of the 2000s and is traditionally viewed as a perennially college football power. The overwhelmingly white alumni and fan-base of LSU are perhaps the most rabid college football fans in the nation.
It wasn't but a few years ago that a racial controversy was sparked over the purple and gold (the colors of LSU) Confederate Flag that LSU waved at football games and that flew high over the tailgates sites of the Tiger faithful:
When Louisiana State University’s third-in-the-nation football squad takes the field in Atlanta this Saturday for the Southeastern Conference title match, some die-hard fans of the Tigers will wildly wave a purple-and-gold banner modeled after the Confederate battle flag.
The scene may strike some observers as odd, since the flag is often seen as a symbol of racism, and the LSU football squad is largely black.
“It’s just mind-boggling,” says LSU junior running back Justin D. Vincent, who is black.
For the past several seasons, the purple-and-gold banner has provoked muted protests which have almost always fizzled quickly.
But both supporters and opponents of the flag agree that this year has been different.
In October, the university’s chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) started a full-field drive to get the flag banned on campus.
And NAACP members say their anti-flag effort is part of a broader campaign to increase minority recruitment, to secure funding for a campus cultural center, and to require all students to take at least one course in minority history.
This time, they say, the flag controversy won’t go away.
University Chancellor Sean O’Keefe has said that he will continue to allow the flag on campus because he respects the freedom of expression guaranteed in the First Amendment.
However, the university has publicly discouraged the use of the flag and has asked fans to express their school spirit with other, less offensive symbols.
Meanwhile, some fans have responded to the NAACP effort by buying even more flags.
The controversy over the Confederate flag burns brightly, and it has left a divided campus grappling with the equivocal legacy of the South.
A CAMPUS SPLIT IN TWO
Several black LSU students who spoke to The Crimson this month backed the NAACP’s anti-flag stance.
“It is the flag that the most notorious terrorists ever to come from U.S. soil, the Ku Klux Klan, waved to frighten African Americans,” Sevetri M. Wilson, an LSU sophomore who is black, says.
Opponents of the ban advance two main arguments: they claim the flag stands for southern heritage, and they say waving the banner is free speech under the First Amendment.
“I think you certainly have people who are flying it during game day to insult other people, which is wrong,” says Ethan J. Guagliardo, an LSU senior. “Other people actually feel a southern identity, and I don’t think that’s a bad thing.”
“I think it’s protected speech, and this move to ban it is absurd,” says Jason P. Dore, a second year law student at LSU.
The First Amendment arguments haven’t mollified flag critics such as senior Collins Phillips, leader of the Student Equality Commission at LSU, who organized four anti-flag protest marches—three of which were staged on the days of home football games.
The lone exception was a rally on Oct. 24 in front of Chancellor O’Keefe’s office that drew more than 150 students, according to the LSU student newspaper, the Daily Reveille.
When O’Keefe held a question-and-answer session with demonstrators, pro-flag hecklers tried to disrupt the meeting.
“They had people in the background running around with rebel flags tied around their necks like they were Superman,” Vincent says.
At home games, the anti-flag marchers passed tailgaters outside Tiger Stadium, and participants say a few fans offered support.
But others shouted racial slurs, and some people even threw water and ice at the marchers, according to Wilson.
At the Nov. 5 protest, three tailgaters were arrested and others chanted epithets including “Go back to Africa,” “Go back to the ghetto,” and “Go to a black college,” says Wilson.
These same counter-protesters then cheer for a football team that is “predominantly black,” Vincent says.
That last quote perfectly nails the state of college football in the Southeastern Conference (SEC); overwhelmingly white student bodies and alumni-bases cheering on the traditions of their beloved football teams that happen to look like a Historically Black College or University (HBCU) squad.
In 2007, LSU's football team was 52 percent Black while only 3.5 percent of the student body (out of 28,000) was Black. A Black professor at the University of Georgia, Billy Hawkins, wrote The New Plantation: Black Athletes, College Sports, and Predominately White NCAA Institutions, a book which argues that college football and basketball programs enrich themselves at the expense of Black labor. Hawkins fails to point out that in the SEC (and throughout the country) massive fan-bases and brand recognition already existed for a program like LSU.
It is Black players who would have had to go to fourth-rate HBCU's like Grambling, Southern, or Prairie View A&M that should be thankful integration ended so that they have the opportunity to play for and go to school at established universities.
In Hawkins book (on page. 110), he writes:
The issue is not in having equal representation, that would be impossible, but to recognize the messages this sends when Black males are well represented in highly visible sports. Recruiting Black males specifically for their athletic ability is an institutional racist practice that reinforces beliefs about Blacks' intellectual capabilities and athletic abilities. It creates unique experiences for Black males who do not participate in varsity teams sports, as well as, for Black males who are highly visible as celebrity athletes.
The only reason Black males - who don't play sports - are admitted to major colleges like LSU is because standards have been lowered to accommodate the horrific high school transcripts (and SAT/ACT ) they send in for review. The Christian Science Monitor pointed out recently that only four percent of Black high school seniors are prepared for college, based on the embarrassingly low ACT scores produced by Black test takers.
When you see a Black male on a major college campus, chances are he is there only because of his "athletic" ability. There's nothing institutionally racist about this practice: the Black athlete gets the opportunity to earn a degree for free without any previous academic merit.
On that 2007 LSU team was white running back Jacob Hester, who quickly became one of the more popular players in LSU history because he was a white guy excelling at a position long dominated (perhaps designated) for Black athlete-students. Hester helped lead LSU to a national title, facing discrimination from predominately Black SEC defenses along the way:
"The consummate throwback player, the 6-foot, 224-pound Hester is a gifted inside runner and underrated receiver who'd sooner run over a would-be tackler than sidestep him or slap that defender's helmet in good sportsmanship than beat his own chest. Such selflessness can seem downright antique by today's standards. "
Later in that same article, a telling statement was made by Hester, as he related a tale about Black people and their defense of the ownership of the tailback position:
"Still, there have been other instances in which Hester has removed his helmet without meaning to pull a fast one—like when he's trying to towel off the part of him that is most an anachronism: his white face.
"The fact is, in today's game, it's rare to see a white running back playing the role of dominant rusher on a college football team, let alone a national champion. And Hester hears about it. In 2006, after shedding his headgear during a first-quarter timeout against Tennessee, Vols linebacker Jerod Mayo reacted as if he had seen a ghost. Said Mayo to Hester, "Shouldn't you be playing running back for Air Force?' "
Unlike SEC schools (and Big Ten colleges and universities like Michigan, Wisconsin, Northwestern and Indiana), the Air Force Academy has rigorous academic standards that student-athletes must meet for acceptance.
Located in Baton Rouge (a city with a majority Black population and a largely Black criminal problem), students enrolled at LSU must contend with Black crime and displaced New Orleans residents criminality:
On a recent morning, Cora Nixon was fussing around in the front yard of her aunt Dorothy Hamilton's home on America Street. A native of New Orleans, herself black, Nixon scrunches her face when talking about the Katrina effect in Baton Rouge.
"I hate to say it -- we're all black Americans -- but I had to bolt up my house. Ain't nobody ever tried to break in my house before."
She is talking about before the Katrina evacuees arrived.
"They done gave so much to the storm people," she says. "It's not all just money. I'm talking about housing, too."
She points to the padlock on her aunt's gate. "You see this big old padlock? My aunt needs it. They done stole her barbecue pit from the backyard."
Before the storm, the police department here was averaging about 500 calls a day. That number has jumped to about 800.
In 1972, LSU finally integrated its football team. Yes, 1972.
...in July of 1956, the Louisiana State assembly passed a social segregation law that banned all integrated sporting events in the state. Louisiana Governor Earl Long, brother of the legendary Huey Long, signed the ball into law soon after.
The University of Wisconsin had not overtly faced Southern Jim Crow athletic policies since the cancellation of a track meet at the University of Missouri in 1939. The Badgers, however, prior to the passage of the new Louisiana state law, had negotiated a home-and-home football contract with Louisiana State University in Baton Rouge for 1957 and 1958.
In the mid-1950s, the Badger football team routinely featured numerous African-American players, and, in fact, Sidney Williams, a black quarterback, piloted the 1957 football team, which would have been the first to play against LSU. Recognizing the incompatibility of an integrated football team with Louisiana's new strict segregation law, the UW athletic administration immediately took action.
Within days of Gov. Long signing the bill in July, Badger Athletic Director Ivan Williamson announced that the University was canceling its contract with LSU. According to the official statement of the athletic department, the new law "would have the effect of denying to the University of Wisconsin the privilege of selecting the members of its team without regard to race or color in any contest played in Louisiana."
The statement further declared that Wisconsin had "always entered into contract[s]... on the basis that each school would have complete freedom to select its team members." Since the new Louisiana law "interfered with this traditional basic policy of freedom of selection," the University continued, it "forc[ed] a termination of the contract." [For the full text of the UW's statement, click here]
The local community roundly praised and supported the UW's action in refusing to abide Louisiana's Jim Crow stance. The Wisconsin State Journal argued that "most Wisconsin residents share our view that any other action by our great state university would have been a violation of the traditions which have made it world famous."
The newspaper compared Louisiana's segregationists to an "obnoxious little boy" and finished with a flourish, declaring that, "many southerners have protested [that] the U.S. Supreme Court decision on segregation is an invasion of their so-called 'state rights.' We feel the same way about the University of Wisconsin's right to pick its own football lineup."
The Daily Cardinal went even further, decrying the "intemperate piece of legislation" which forbid inter-racial athletics. The student newspaper lauded the University's "determination... to eliminate the negro's 'second class citizenship'... and all traces of discrimination and intolerance among whites."
Wisconsin was the first of many northern colleges and universities to cancel athletic contests in Louisiana because of the state's new law. Marquette University, for example, pulled out of a scheduled basketball game with Loyola University of New Orleans soon after the UW's action.
In 1958, a federal judge threw out the Louisiana law banning integrated athletic contests. The United States Supreme Court upheld this decision a year later, but many Southern universities continued to resist integration. Louisiana State did not fully comply with court orders mandating desegregation until 1964, and the school did not suit up an African-American football player until 1973. Nevertheless, despite the slow pace of integration, high profile events like the UW football controversy brought needed attention to the cause of civil rights.
The University of Wisconsin finally traveled to Baton Rouge to play LSU in the Fall of 1972 several years after Louisiana's Jim Crow laws were off the books. It was UW's first game in the South since the 1950s.
Leonard Moore has a Ph.D. in history from Ohio State, is the director of African and African American studies at Louisiana State and has command of enough clear-eyed maxims to get the attention of most college students. But the credentials that most impress his target audience of African-American student-athletes are his high school transcript and ACT test score.
They are modest, if not downright poor: a 1.6 grade point average from Cleveland Heights High School in Ohio and a 15 on the ACT college entrance examination. If he were an athlete coming out of high school today, Moore tells L.S.U.'s African-American athletes, he could not qualify for a spot on any college team, let alone the L.S.U. football team that will play for the Bowl Championship Series title on Sunday night.
It is an eye-opening introduction, but one that is quickly followed up by a challenge from Moore: ''Learning and education is cool, and I expect you to become a good student.''
When L.S.U. (12-1) meets Oklahoma (12-1) in the Sugar Bowl, Moore will not be on the sideline or even in the Superdome, but his impact will be felt nonetheless. Chad Lavalais, L.S.U.'s all-American defensive end, will be thinking about him.
Lavalais, a 24-year-old senior, said that his high school record was worse than Moore's and that it took him at least five tries at the ACT over two years to qualify for an athletic scholarship. He spent part of that time working as a prison guard at a correctional facility near his home in Marksville, La., before being admitted to L.S.U. in 2000. Since then, Lavalais has worked as hard in the classroom as he has on his game, and he is on track to graduate next summer with an education degree.
''Dr. Moore is one of those people who can change your life by raising the expectations you have of yourself,'' Lavalais said. ''He doesn't care if you have a 10-sack game. If you're doing bad in class, that is all you're going to hear.''
That is exactly what Moore, 32, intended when he arrived in Baton Rouge in 1998 and found that the Tigers were not only losing, but that many of their African-American athletes were in trouble inside and outside the classroom.
''There was an outlaw, dumb-jock, sports-first culture that nobody was really discouraging,'' Moore said in a telephone interview this week. ''I wanted these young men to know that those days were over.''
He asked the academic support staff in the athletic department to urge athletes to take his classes and, along with three colleagues, set up a mentoring program for L.S.U.'s African-American athletes. Those who signed up for his introduction to African-American studies class found out quickly that he would not be handing out passing grades. Josh Reed, a standout wide receiver who is now with the Buffalo Bills, did poorly, but he thought enough of the experience to send Moore a letter.
''I know I didn't learn much about African-American history,'' said Reed's letter, which Moore keeps in his office, ''but I learned a lot about being a man.''
Learning to be a man in Moore's curriculum is often a loud, confrontational experience. Earlier this semester, after he noticed that wide receiver Amp Hill missed a class, Moore showed up at his dorm room and gave him 30 minutes of tough love. Hill had dropped the class, but the bracing treatment by Moore helped turn his academic life around. Hill was recently named one of the student-athletes of the month by the Academic Center, a new program for L.S.U.'s athletes.
Lionel Turner, the starting middle linebacker, has listened to Moore's harangues about how an athlete who can make split-second decisions on what defense to play must have a mind agile enough to become a lawyer. So Turner, a junior, said he had buckled down in his studies and was now thinking about postgraduate work. ''Dr. Moore is all about business,'' Turner said with a smile. ''I've seen him call out people in class, and you don't want to have that done to you.''
Moore's vision for a complete L.S.U. football player received a boost when Nick Saban became coach before the 2000 season. Saban spearheaded the building of the $15 million Academic Center, with a full-time staff of 13 and more than 100 computers. Since 2002, Moore and three colleagues have mentored 95 percent of L.S.U.'s black athletes, holding an annual workshop for freshmen called ''The Scholar-Baller Blueprint for Academic Success.''
''When I have a problem with a student and notify the coaching staff, they get on it immediately,'' Moore said.
L.S.U.'s graduation rate for football players remains low -- 40 percent, according to the most recent N.C.A.A. figures, which are for 1996-97 graduation rates -- but Moore sees the culture changing. He points to Lavalais, who he said never missed Moore's 7:30 a.m. class this semester even though he is certain to be a National Football League draft pick.
Many people believe LSU will complete for the 2011 national title, and Tiger Stadium will be rocking most of the season with more than 92,000 predominately white students, alumni, and LSU fans cheering a team that is hardly representative of those same people. They will more accurately represent Grambling or Southern, two HBCU's.
Diversity as a philosophy, objective and goal is evident through LSU's Diversity Statement, Commitment to Community and Flagship Agenda. The LSU athletics and band programs have made great strides to enhance diversity, as the athletic program is now comprised of 35 percent ethnic minorities and 39 percent women. Additionally, the athletic program, along with the NCAA, has made diversity and cultural awareness a primary objective. Jade Bryan became LSU athletics' first assistant director for Diversity, Inclusion and Civic Engagement in the Cox Communications Academic Center for Student-Athletes, offering opportunities for coaches and athletic administrators to gain diversity training.
If that is the case, why does the football team start 18 Black players? Not exactly living up to the concept of diversity, unless you understand that the principle of "diversity" means replacing white people with as many non-whites as possible.
Baton Rouge Police took the shoes from LSU quarterback Jordan Jefferson's feet and 48 other pairs during a search of his apartment Wednesday night related to an investigation of Jefferson's involvement in a bar fight a week ago near the LSU campus.
"During the execution of the search warrant at the home of Jordan Jefferson, police seized 49 pairs of (athletic) shoes, including the ones he was wearing at the time," police spokesman Don Stone said Thursday morning. "At this time, Baton Rouge Police are not going to release the details as to why the shoes were removed from the home."
Speaking in general terms about evidence searched for in the aftermath of fights Wednesday night after the search, Stone said police often look for clothes with blood or other markings or prints on them. Police also took a DNA swab from Jefferson during the search, Stone said.
Jefferson is one of four players who have been implicated for their involvement in the fight that occurred at about 2 a.m. Friday at the Shady's Bar near campus that sent four non-players to the hospital. They were released within hours, but one of the injured has three fractured vertebrae and another has bruises on his face and hands possibly from self defense, Baton Rouge Police Chief Dwayne White said.
No. This article from Sports Illustrated in 1969 perfectly sums up what college football once represented in the south:
Governor McKeithen has a forceful personality, and in Louisiana a governor, even one in a beige jumpsuit, can, if he chooses, exercise powers approximating those of the Shah of Iran and Boss Tweed combined. So it is best not to argue when he says, " Baton Rouge is the greatest football town in America, my fren'. Columbus, Ohio, don't even come close to the spirit we got right heah in this li'l ol' country town. Football season is the social season, and politics don't even come close. When you see football at LSU, you see a spectacle, my fren'. A real spectacle!"
The reason for such a profound commitment to football is not terribly complex. For one thing, except for a journey to New Orleans—which is roughly to Baton Rouge what Paris is to Gary, Ind.—there is not all that much to do in Louisiana once the sun sets over the swamps. So why not fill in the dark hours with football games? Why not, indeed. Louisiana high school football, played almost exclusively at night, pulls enormous crowds. Newspapers such as the Baton Rouge Morning Advocate spend five or six full pages each Saturday on stories dealing with Opelousas vs. Lafayette and Ponchatoula vs. Destrehan. Of LSU's 19,500 students, 88% are from Louisiana. Thus, as LSU's genial coach Charlie McClendon puts it, "Our players go to college with boys they knew in high school. These kids know the athletes aren't animals, and they admire them. That's why there is better spirit here than anyplace I know. In the stadium the excitement is like an electric wire running from the stands to the field."
Now, many of LSU's Black players come from outside of the state. Many of the LSU students will be forgiven if they confuse these Black athlete-students with animals when they see them on campus, brought to Baton Rouge for one reason: to play football.
Soon, "conservatives" won't be able to win these states
Knowing that an executive order has been issued by Mein Obama basically barring the federal government from hiring white people in a bid to increase diversity - in federal agencies already bloated with disproportionate amounts of diversity - it is paramount that we ask where all of this headed. What is the end-game?
The economy remains in shambles yet President Obama keeps wasting taxpayer dollars expanding an already bloated U.S. government, this month launching a new office to help build a “diverse and inclusive workforce” at all federal agencies.
The new Office of Diversity and Inclusion will ensure that the entire U.S. government develops comprehensive strategies to drive and integrate diversity and inclusion practices. It will assist the different agencies in building a workforce that “respects individual and organizational cultures” by examining policy options, data trends and employee survey findings.
The goal is to eliminate demographic group imbalances in targeted occupations and improve workforce diversity. To attain this, special initiatives have been created targeting specific groups, including Hispanics, African Americans, American Indians, women and gays and lesbians. The idea is to create a workforce that truly reflects America’s diversity, according to the Obama Administration.
Wait, doesn't the public workforce on the federal level - and state - already reflect America's diversity? Aren't Black people already grossly misrepresented in the public workforce, since private companies are tasked with turning a profit to stay in business (meaning Black people must seek employment in less stressful vocations) while government employees are tasked with no directives or objectives other then consuming tax-dollars? Here's Pat Buchanan to answer that question:
As reported here previously, African-Americans are hardly underrepresented in the U.S. government.
Though only 12 percent to 13 percent of the U.S. population, blacks hold 18 percent of all federal jobs. African-Americans are 25 percent of the employees at Treasury and Veterans Affairs, 31 percent of State Department employees, 37 percent of the Department of Education, 38 percent of Housing and Urban Development. They are 42 percent of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission and Pension Benefit Guaranty Corp., 55 percent of the Government Printing Office, 82 percent of the Court Services and Offender Supervision Agency.
According to The Washington Post, blacks hold 44 percent of the jobs at Fannie Mae and 50 percent of the jobs at Freddie Mac.
The EEOC, where African-Americans are overrepresented by 300 percent, has been asked to oversee the new “government-wide initiative to promote diversity and inclusion in the federal workforce.”
I’m not making this up.
Were it not for the army of contractors the federal government relies on to actually get work done, one wonders what type of productivity the disproportionately Black federal workforce would perform? Perhaps the failing US Postal Service offers that glimpse.
So what is the end-game again? The USA Today published a story heralding the mark of the minority-majority baby birth moment, when the percentages of non-white babies born eclipses the percentage of white babies born:
Only 50.2% of babies under age 1 are white and not Hispanic, according to the 2010 Census — a sharp decline from 57.6% just 10 years earlier.
"We are almost at a minority-majority infant population," says Brookings Institution demographer William Frey, who analyzed the latest Census data. "We probably have passed it since the Census was taken" in April 2010.
The number of states where minority babies dominate has doubled to 14 since 2000. The balance has tipped in big states such as New York, Florida, New Jersey and Georgia.
Minorities have been the majority in Texas and California nurseries for more than two decades. In Texas, the majority of people under age 47 are minorities, in California, under 52.
The area's floor-covering industry has attracted so many Hispanics that the North Georgia Health District, based in Dalton, has brought in translators and prints materials in Spanish, says Jennifer King, public information officer.
The nationwide changes are redefining who is a minority and who is not.
"These little babies … by the time they get to be in their 20s and 30s, the current racial and ethnic categories … won't have anything close to the meaning that (they have) today," Frey says. "When they think about white majority, it'll be something in the history books."
Hate to burst your bubble Jennifer King, but many places in America have ceased being American and are, in essence, no longer part of the country. Having been to Dalton on numerous occasions, I'm aware that many white people have simply fled the city. It is one of the growing number of American cities that no longer resemble America.
A city, town, and a county ultimately reflects its majority population; hence why major cities with majority Black populations - thus Black people have a distinct voting bloc to control the city's government, schools, police, courts, etc. - all resemble Detroit, Baltimore, Newark, Atlanta, Birmingham, etc.
Look, the Black Undertow is always going to follow white flight. That's inevitable. What's increasingly obvious is that the Brown Tsunami - primarily illegal aliens - will follow white flight and participate in the construction of the new infrastructure that must support the erection of new suburban homes and strip malls.
Because white people (and successful non-whites who want to raise their family in stable, white areas) have no desire to live around Black people, they must rely on primarily illegal aliens (because white people have no problem relying on true free market labor, which basically equates to slave labor and drives honest competition out of business) to build their shiny new homes scores of miles away from the major metropolitan areas that they must then drive too.
It turns out that white people don't enjoy living around Brown people - the real Brown people, those 5 feet or shorter Brown people that perform the jobs Black people on EBT Cards, TANF/Welfare and Section 8 Housing refuse to do - either.
So what is it those in control of Black-Run America (BRA) want white people who, to quote George Bailey, "that this rabble you're talking about... they do most of the working and paying and living and dying in this community," so that BRA can be paid for by these same white people who are beginning to realize that their tax dollars go to pay for the rearing of primarily Black and Brown babies that Black and Brown males have no desire to care for after 'pumping and dumping' the Black or Brown (and sometimes white) mother.
Why will the new majority of Brown and Black people in the coming years decide to keep paying their tax dollars (what percentage do you gather will have the job qualifications to do anything other than flip burgers?) to support largely white retirees?
Conversely, why should white people - regardless of age - continue to pay taxes that primarily go to supporting and helping to proliferate the Black Undertow and Brown Tsunami? Sane social policies should do everything possible to lower the number of dependent humans on handouts from the hard work of an increasing minority of people.
BRA encourages that more and more non-whites find ways to drain the productive workers of America (the private sector is overwhelmingly white), even if it means creating an Office of Diversity and Inclusion - despite the existence of the EEOC and employees dedicated to increasing diversity in every company, private or public - in the process.
We've stated before that Disingenuous White Liberals (DWLs) hate and loath Untouchable Whites (those whites who persist in voting Republican, waving the flag, attending Tea Party rallies, etc), and it is my belief that DWLs truly believe that the 'rising tide of color' will continue to tolerate DWLs leading them.
What is it that BRA - as it grows increasingly tyrannical and totalitarian in advancing the interests of Black people above all others - wants us to do? Well, keep paying for it with tax dollars of course, but eventually DWLs hope that laws are put in place to forbid white people from even holding certain positions as punishment for centuries of white privilege.
But this must be stated: white people in America, by tolerating the continued advancement of civil rights (in a vain attempt to make up for past discrimination, which is increasingly obvious that such inequities can never be amended) have helped Black people attain wealth and positions of power that no other country - not even nations indigenous to Black people - in the history of the world could afford them.
Black people have risen to power in many vocations and industries; been promoted in schools (though standards have been universally lowered to assure this academic advancement); promoted in entertainment and sports; and allowed to basically do whatever they want since the late 1960s, all with white people primarily fitting the bill.
In times of prosperity, perhaps this system of government known as BRA could continue moving forward. In times of austerity, the artificial creation of the Black Middle-Class has been exposed, revealing a people devoid of the ability to sustain cities, business infrastructure or school districts (well, if they cheat they can).
BRA is demanding more and more from white people (and members of other races only trying to make an honest living) to ensure that Black people - and increasing Brown people - that rely on the benevolence of the state to subsist are given continued preferential treatment above all others.
I do not know the event that will ultimately end the legitimacy of BRA; I do not know the precise moment when a series of events triggers a honest statesmen to finally state "enough" and defend the historic majority population of America; but I do know that the course BRA is sailing on is one that would turn the entire country - from sea to shining sea - into a permanent Detroit or Los Angeles, with DWLs safely in cities like Washington D.C., New York City, and Seattle coordinating and controlling the madness.
I am fully convinced that the event that triggers the de-legitimacy of BRA is coming; I am fully convinced that a series of unfortunate events (for those in control of BRA) is transpiring, and that an honest statesmen is grappling with the thought of finally saying "enough." But de-legitimizing BRA must come first.
